Calligraphy at the
Close of the Chinese Empire
LOTHAR LEDDEROSE

The latter half of the Qing dynasty saw crucial developments in the
history of Chinese painting; changes in calligraphy were at least as
radical and revolutionary as those in painting. The period before the
close of the empire was one of the most decisive epochs in the entire
history of calligraphy in China . In order to introduce some of the
salient changes in calligraphy during this period we will raise three
questions: What happened? Why did it happen? What was achieved?

What happened?
A comparison of two representative pieces of calligraphy can give a
first impression of what occurred . Figure 1 shows the beginning of a
handscroll written in 1796 by Liu Yong (1719-1804). A highly placed
educational administrator, Liu Yong was one of the elite officials in the
empire; he was also a nationally renowned calligrapher . His work is
full of references to the orthodox tradition and the text is a commen taryon the works of thefounders of this tradition, WangXizhi (303-361)
and his son Wang Xianzhi (344-388). It was composed by Su Shi (rn37n 01) in response to a poem by Mi Fu (rn52-n o7), both major masters
of the orthodox tradition. Liu Yong emulates the style of Su Shi.The
characters are written in a slightly cursive regular type ( kaishu), as was
typical for Song dynasty calligraphy; the strokes are supple and the
compositions self-contained .
At the very moment that this piece was writt en, an enormous
change in the practice of calligraphy had already begun to take place,
exemplified by thework shown in Figure 2. Itwas written in18n by Yi
Bingshou (1754-1815), after he had retired from his career as a prefectural magistrate.'
The startling Figure 2
begins with two large characters, reading
guxiang (fragrance of antiquity ).They are written in the guli (old clerical) script and seem to hang down from the upper edge. The forceful ring in the first character looks like forged iron. Eight lines then
1

ART AT THE CLOSE OF CHINA'S EMPIRE

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Figure 1. Liu Yong (1719-1804),
Colophon to the Calligraphy of the TwoWangs.
Handscroll, dated 1796.

Figure 2. Yi Bingshou (1754-1815), The Fragrance of Antiquity.
Handscroll, dated 18n.The Art Museum, Princeton University.
Gift ofJeanette Shambaugh Elliott Collection.

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CALLIGRAPHY AT T H E C LO S E O F C H I NA'S EMP I RE

follow in a brittle yet stately running script. It is full of features that
challenge the well-known traditional rules. Most glaring is the odd
mixture of script types. Although most of the characters are written
in a running script, some exhibit a very formal, regular shape (four th
line, first character) while others display elements of the clerical type
(last line, third character). Some look deliberately awkward (thirdline,
fourth character ). Although this calligraphy does not on the whole
look quite as strange as some other examples, nonetheless it would
have made Wang Xizhi turn in his grave. However, Yi Bing shou's calligraphy actually is neither weird nor childish; on the contrary it is
most sophisticated. His intention was to imbue the movements of his
brush with the 'fragrance of antiquity,' and if you look long enough
you may decide that he succeeded.
The orthodox tradition to which Liu Yong belonged reigned
supreme from the fourth century for almost a millennium and a half.
Itwas onlyseriously challenged in the middle of theeighteenth century
when a revolutionary school arose. It called itself beixue, the school of
stelae, because its masters such asYi Bingshou took writings on stone
stelae as their models.The newschoolin a somewhat derogatory spirit
labelled the orthodox school, tiexue, school of handwritten pieces.
Though theyinitiated newstyles, this newcrop of calligraphers would
not have been Chinese had they not legitimized their changes by
recalling antiquity, arguing that the ultimate aim of their revolutionary thrust was to preserve ancient values.
The differences between the two schools were brought about and
sanctioned by a change in the canon of the pieces that the respective
schools held to be masterpieces, and which their adherents studied
as models. Figures 3 - 6 illustrate examples from these two canons. In
the eighteenth century Emperor Qianlong made great efforts to
reestablish a canon for the orthodox tradition. In his palace hebrought
together thousands of calligraphic pieces. From them he selected
three which he cherished as his and his empire's supreme treasures.'
He kept them in his private studio, called SanxiTang (Hall of theThree
Treasures). A few dozen other selected pieces, also considered exceptional masterworks and models worthy to be handed down for study
by further generations, were engraved into stone by order of the
Emperor in 1747-The stones are preserved in a pavilion in Beihai Park
west of the Palace.The collection of rubbings taken from these stones
was called the Sanxi Tang Fatie, 'Mod elwritings in the Hall of theThree
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ART ATTHE CLOSE OF CHINA'S EMPIR E

Treasures.' The rubbings were distributed as models at court and
throughout the empire.Theyformed a canon, embodying the stylistic
and aesthetic standards of the tiexue.
In this canonWangXizhi and members of his family weresupreme.
Except for one piece, the first fifteen pieces in the first volume of the
collection are all by him, by his son Wang Xianzhi, and by another
member of the Wang family. So were the 'Three Treasures' in Qianlong 's private studio. Subsequent volumes contain pieces by later
masters of the orthodox tradition. The last four volumes consist
exclusively of writings by Dong Qichang (1555-1636), the last great
heir of this school.
Figure 3 is one piece byWangXizhi that was cut into stone in this
collection. It is a letter called XingrangTie, now in the Art Museum of
Princeton University, the only early copy of a work byWang Xizhi in a
Western collection .' It displays supple brush stro kes, harmonious
character composition, and easily flowing lines. Figure 4 illustrates a
rubbing from the stone-cut. The piece is embedded in colophons,
especially by Emperor Qianlong and Dong Qichang. One of Qianlong's colophons is visible on the left side of Figure 3. As an homage,
the colophon writers copied and paraphrased Wang Xizhi's style.
The canon of pieces which the beixue masters considered worthy
of study looked quite different. In their search for new models they
went beyond the fourth century AD, when the Wang Xizhi tradition
had started, back into remote antiquity. They studied stone stelae of
the Han dynasty and the even earlier stelae of the First Emperor of
Qin.They also turned to inscriptions on bronzes, which were considerably older still. Moreover , the beixue masters studied those stone
inscriptions which in the crucial period between the Han and Tang
dynasties had developed in the North, parallel to but without contact with the Wang Xizhi tradition in the south.The content of these
northern inscriptions was primarily Buddhist.
Figures 5 and 6 are examples from the beixue canon .The group of
stelae in Figure 5 are from the Buddhist monasteryYunjusi in Fangshan county near Beijing. Although these stones are not very old, dating from the Tang to the Qing dynasty, the y convey an idea of what
such stone stelae looked like and where they stood. Figure 6 shows a
section of a rubbing from the Yishan Bei, the Stele on Mount Yi, one of
the stones which the First Emperor of Qin erected to commemorate
the unification of the realm.' The original stelaeare all lost.TheYishan
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CAL LIG RAP HY AT T H E CLO S E OF C H I NA' S E MPIRE

(

r

Figure 3. Xin grangTie,Tang dynasty copy afterWang Xizhi (303-361).
Handscroll.The Art Museum , Princeton University. Anonymous loan.
Photo by Bruce M.W hite.
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ART ATTHE CLOSE OF CH I NA' S E MPIRE

Figure 4 . XingrangTie. Rubbing from San.xi Tang Fatie, dated 1747.

Bei , however, is transmitted in a famous recut done in AD 993, and
today preserved in the 'Stele Forest at Xi' an' (Xi' an Beilin ).The script is
called small seal script ( xi aozhuan ).
In addition to differing in their historical range , the canons of
the two schools distinguish themselves in still other respects. There
is a difference with regard to the preferences of the script types. The
orthodox canon emphasizes the regular ( kaishu ) type but even more
the cursive ( xin gshu ) and draft scripts ( caoshu ). In the canon of the stele
school one also finds regular script but only rar ely cursive types.
Instead, archaic scripts gained pro minence , such as clerical script
( lishu ), seal script ( z huanshu), and finally the script on oracle bones
(jiagu wen ).There is also a difference in writing materials.The canonical pieces of the tiexue are usually written with brush and ink on silk
or paper.The canonical pieces of the beixue , by contra st, are engraved
on durable materials such as stone, bronze, or bricks.
From this follows a crucial difference in the mode of tran smission. Many masterpieces of the tiexue, especially the earlier ones, are
only transmitted as copies. Not a single work by Wang Xizhi's own
hand, for example, is believed to have come down to us. Yet thousands
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A'S EMPIRE

Figure 5. Inscribed stone stelae, Tang to Qing dynasties.
Yunjusi, Fangshan county.

Figure 6. Yishan Bei, detail of rubbing. Recur of AD 993, detail.
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ART AT THE CLOSE OF CHINA'S EMPIRE

Figure 7. Inscription in Maogong Ding, from Kezhai]igu Lu,
chapter 4, dated 1886.
of inscriptions on stones and bronzes still exist and new ones come
to light all the time. Furthermore, there are major social differences.
The calligraphers who created the works that the tiexue masters took
as their models were on the whole members of the literati class, many
of them prominent officials and politidans. The calligraphers who
wrote on bronze and stone, however, were often anonymous. We
would call many of them artisans or even workers.
As far as content is concerned, works of the tiexue are also mostly
typical products of the literati class. There are many poems and personal letters. The texts of the canonical beixue works, by contrast ,
contain much information of public interest, often of historical significance, and sometimes of immense political importance.There are
also many religious texts.
Finally there are major differences in the aesthetic standards embodied in the two canons.The tiexue works strive to be elegant, fluent,
polished, refined, whereas pieces of the beixue tend to look archaic,
tectonic, rustic, forceful, and unrefined.

CALLIGRAPHY AT T H E CLOSE OF C H I NA'S EMP IRE

Why did it happen?
If we now ask why those changes in the canon came abou t, we have
first to look at intellectual history in general and then at archa'.ology
in part icular.The dominant current of intellectual history from the
eighteenth century was hanxue, that movement which propagated
pragmatic and critical scholarship based on empirical investigation.
As for many centu ries, classical Confucian texts were the center of
hanxue stu dies. But new methodswere used. In an attempt to establish
authentic versions of the classical texts, the hanxue scholars embarked
on systematic philological, ph onolog ica l, etym olog ical , palaeo graphical, and historical studies. Thus they came close to scientific
debate and thinking in the modern sense. While searching empirically for authentic material the hanxue scholars collected and investigated all kinds of ancient inscriptions. This branch of knowledge was
called jinshi xue,'study of [inscriptions on] metal (mostly bro nze) and
stone.' We would translate it as'epigraph y.' For our argument it is
important to note that the interest of the epigraphists was not a purely philological one only directed at the content of the inscriptions.
Theywere alsostudying theshapes of the characters.The epigraphical
material was collected in compendia, some of them very voluminous .
An early example is the Xiqing Gujian in forty volumes, the catalog of
the bronzes in the imperial collection.The compilation began at Qianlong's order in 1749. It made use of a refined technique of copperplate
engraving that had recently been introduced from the West.The
compendia often contained reproductions of rubbings of the inscriptions.Thus, theywere important means for disseminating knowledge
about the archaic character shapes.
Figure 7 shows pages from the compendiumKezhai]iguLu,completed in 1886 by the great epigraphistWu Dacheng (1835-1902). It is
the beginning of the inscription in the famous bronze cauldron Maogong Ding from the late Western Zhou period.With its 497 characters
it is even today the longest bronze inscription known. Wu Dacheng
transcribes the text into kaishu, and inserts his commentary in two
small parallel lines.Yet he first reproduces a rubbing which allows
the reader to see the shapes of all the characters .
Figure 8 is a page from thejinshi Suo , a collection of bronzes and
other antiques edited by the two brothers FengYunpeng and Feng
Yunyuan in 1821. The lock for a crossbow is, like all those objects, primarily interesting because of its inscriptio n. The text is reproduced
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ART AT THE CLOSE OF CH I NA'S EMPIRE

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Figure 8. Lock of crossbow, fromjinshi Suo, chapter 2, dated 1821.

CALLIGRAPHY ATTHE C LOS E OF C H I NA'S E MP I RE

and transcribed .Yet the]inshi Suo also provides a drawing of the piece.
Indeed, the level of information reached in these compendia is similar to that in a modern catalog with photographs. We have noticed
that Qing dynasty epigraphists were not pure philologists but studied the shapes of characters on their objects, too. Nowwe see that, in
addition, they were concerned with the object itself.That means they
were arch a:olog ists . At the period in question there were many
major archa:ological discoveries. In fact, those discoveries may have
prompted the interest in epigraphy in the first place. Many of the
inscriptions which the beixue masters used as models only became
known through archa:ological finds. The above-mentioned Maogong
Ding is one of many bronzes excavated in Shaanxi in the Daoguang
period (1821-185)0. Another famous bronze from Shaanxi whose true
value was only discovered in this period is the GuoJi ZiBo Pan from the
lateWestern Zhou period. It had been used for a while as water basin
in a horse stable.6
Among the many stone inscriptions that were archa:ologically
discovered in this period, the tombstone for Diao Zun, dated 517, was
found in Hebei in the Yongzheng period (1723-1735).' The tomb stone
for Gao Zhan dated 539, was excavated in Shandong in1749, when part
of the embankment of the Grand Canal broke down.• Both inscriptions were heralded as prime examples of the calligraphic style of
the Northern dynasties.
One can argue that modern Chinese archa:ologystarted in the latter half of the Qing dynasty and that present-day archa:ologists are still
indebted to, even under the spell of, their eighteenth and nineteenthcentury foreru nners : they place heavy emphasis on inscriptions and
use them to correct traditional textual auth ority; the y stress that the
pieces were produced by anonymous ar tisans; and th ey use archa:ological discoveries to bolster national self-esteem.

Whatwas achieved?
One of the earliest and one of the greatest masters of the beixue was
Deng Shiru (1743-1805
). Indeed , he m ay be called the greatest calligra pher of the Qing Dynasty. A comprehensive modern study of him
quotes eighty-nine enthusiastic appraisals of his calligraphy, written
from his lifetime until the present: Probably no other Qing dynasty
calligrapher has had such good press. Figu re 9 is a section from an
early hanging scroll by Deng Shiru , dated 178r.10 T he ultimate model
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in this case was the small seal script of the stone inscriptions of the
First Emperor of Qin.Yet Deng Shim did not study those alone.The
charming geometry in his characters proves that he must also have
known later versions of this type of script, such astheworks by LiYangbing (eighth century AD),'' the tenth century recut of the YishanBei
(see figure 6) or the Thousand Character Essay by Meng Ying from the
same period. In any case, Deng conformed to the regularity of his
models. He used a pure grid pattern with straight vertical and horizontal columns. His characters all are regular in size and composition .
His strokes, with geometrical curves, are drawn like iron wire; that is,
they are of regular width; beginnings and ends are not emphasized.
Deng Shim was not the only Qing calligrapher who closely followed the classical models of seal script. Earlier masters such asWang
Shu (1668 -1739) and Qian Dian (1741-1806) wrote in a similarly pleasant
but somewhat uninspired way. Indeed, there exists a piece by Qian
Dian, which is all but indistinguishable from the one by Deng Shim
shown in Figure 9."
From this early style Deng Shim took off on one of the most fascinating artistic careers of any Chinese calligrapher. By studying ever
more models and by writing them ever more freely,Deng gradually
revealed himself to be the genius whom we now revere. This is not
the place to follow his development in detail, but we should at least
examine one of his late masterpieces. Figure IO shows the first panel
of a six-panel screen done in 1804 , one year before his death. " The
overall composition of vertical and horizontal columns is still regular, yet a slight rhythm pervades the entire piece. The uppermost
characters in the two vertical columns, for example, do not stand
exactly on thesame horizontal level, and the two characters in the horizontal column below tilt slightly away from each other. In the compositions of the characters there is nolonger any trace of stiffuess.The
purely geometrical forms of Deng's youth have gone . Almost none of
the vertical strokes run down in a completely perpendicular direction, nor are the horizontal strokes perfectly horizontal. Each character has its individual, sophisticated balance. For example, in the
penultimate character in the second line (ren) the right 'leg' is drawn
outlonger than the left one. Deng also tends to differentiate clearly the
parts that make up a character, such as the left and right hand part.
The two parts in the penultimate character in the first line (you ) each
have a separate weight, but together theyform a tectonic unit.
12

14

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CALLIGRAPHY AT TH E C LOS E OF C H I NA'S EM PI RE

The brush strokesform inner spaces between them. Agood example is the second character di . The inner spaces are not only a byproduct but have acquired a shape in their own right. This is one of the
hallmarks of a master calligrapher. The strokes no longer resemble
iron wires, but rather iron bars, bent with an incredible energy.Their
simple and disciplined shapes vibrate with life. In the ren character
the stroke is strongest at the most intensive turn of the curve, as if to
emphasize the force that is necessary to
bend it.To be able
to re
in-force the energy in the turn of a stroke by the very shape of the
stroke is another hallmark of the master calligrapher.
With the forceful and tectonic calligraphy of his old age Deng
Shiru had moved a long way from the timid performance of his
youth . He liberated himself from his models, but emulated them
creatively. Yet we should go beyond saying that Deng used his models
creatively; we should try and describe even more precisely how he
did it and what he achieved. When Deng Shiru and many other beixue
masters wrote in ancient script types such as the seal script, they
availed themselves of stylistic features that had only developed much
later in the history of calligraphy in the cursive types of script. The
very fact that they wrote archaic script types preserved on metal and
stone with brush and ink on paper was a deliberate anachronism. In
Deng Shiru's forceful work of 1804 one can identify such stylistic features that are borrowed from later types. The grid pattern of the
columns has loosened up, the composition of the characters is delicately balanced, and, above all, the strokes reveal the movements of
the elastic hair brush.There are slight modulations in their width and
sometimes they have a rugged contour resulting from the (relatively)
speedy movement of the brush.
The synthesis of different types of script which the beixue masters
achieved is even more apparent in thefollowingjuxtaposition. Figure n
shows a section from a rubbing of the second Stone Drum.'0The Stone
Drums ( Shigu ) date from the eighth century BC and carry the earliest
extant stone inscriptions in China. They were rediscovered in the
Tang dynasty. Again we see a regular grid in the columns and the
strokes are of even width, yet the compositions are less geometrical
than those of the later small seal script on the Yishan Bei (figur e 6).
Figure 12 is a copy of this drum inscription by Wu Changshuo (1844 192 7 ) , one of the great late masters of the beixue. " W u Changshuo
wrote the Stone Drum inscriptions all his life. This version dates from
20!

ART AT THE CLOSE OF CHI

A'S EMPIRE

Figure 9. Deng Shiru (1743-1805),
Calligraphy: A Poem. Hanging scroll, dated 1781. Shanghai Museum.
202

CALLIGRAPHY ATTHE CLOSE OF CHINA'S EMPIRE

Figure 10. Deng Shiru (1743-1805),
Baishi Caotang]i. Screen of six panels, dated 1804.
203

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Figure 11.The Second Stone Drum. Rubbing. Eighth century... BC.

1912. Like

previous masters, he creatively changes his model, by drawing on expressive values from cursive types of script. Wu retains the
vertical columns, but eliminates the horizontal columns of the model.
A lively rhythm thus permeates his entire work. In the composition of
single characters, in the number and relative position of the strokes,
Wu Changshuo follows the structures of his model. However, his
characters are less stable than those of the original stone drums. He
gives them a different balance and often tilts them in such a way that
the upper right corner is pushed slightly upwards. This compositional
device is normally only used in the speedily written regular kaishu ,
and more especially in the cursive xingshu and caoshu. In writing single
strokesWu Changshuo borrows even more obviously from later types
of script. He often emphasizes their beginnings and modulates their
width and shape. To some of his strokes he gives a rugged contour
and a splintery quality, evoking an antique flavor. Yet he does not try
to imitate the appearance of worn stone engravings slavishly. Rather
he makes creative use of the specific possibilities of the elastic hair
brush. Some strokes even showsome 'flying white' (Jeibai).Wu Chang204

CALLIGRAPHY AT T H E CLOSE OF C H I NA' S EMPIR E

Figure 12.Wu Changshuo (1844-1927),
The Second Stone Drum. Hanging scroll, dated 1912.
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ART ATTHE CLOSE OF C H I NA'S E M PIR E

shuo thus allows himself much freedom in the execution of his
strokes. But this freedom is by no means without restriction. It is
constrained and guided by the particular properties of brush and ink
and by many years of discipline in handling other types of script.
When oracle bones were discovered at Anyang in 1899 some calligraphers started to copy the characters on them.They attempted
to amalgamate this most ancient type of script with features oflater
types. Calligraphy based on oracle bone characters became at once
the most modern calligraphic style, and at the same time the style
that referred most clearly to remote antiquity. By then the masters of
the bei xue had swung full circle. They had brought all of Chinese
script into the sphere of calligraphy.
In applying technical and stylistic standards of writing with the
brush to the sort of script that was originally done on metal and stone
and finally even bone, the Qing masters greatly extended the boundaries of the realm of traditional literati calligraphy.They projected
the aesthetic standards of the literati tradition backwards into vast
areas in the history ofwriting that had not previouslybeen part of this
tradition . In this way they created a coherent aesthetic world that
encompassed all phases of Chinese script. In a period of political
destabilization the Qing calligraphers thus reinforced the unity of
Chinese cultu re.
And one last thought: one could say that epigraphical and archac:ological studies spurred a radical modernization of Chinese calligraphy. This happened in a period in which modernization in China
almost inevitably implied western ization . One cannot westernize
calligraphy, however. The changes which the Qing dynasty calligraphers achieved are a paradigm for an autonomous modernization
process in China that was independent ofWestern values.

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Notes
r. Shodo Zenshu (Tokyo,1966 -69 ), XXI, plates 88-89. For Liu Yong,see Arthur
W Hummel editor, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ingPeriod (Washington DC,
1943-44), I, 536-537.

Fu Shen, Traces of the Brush: Studies in Chinese Calligraphy (New Haven CT,
1977), numbers 79, 76; and NakataYujiro and Fu Shen ,Obei ShuzoChugoku
Hosho Meisekishu (Tokyo,1981-1983), Min Shin hen, lI, plate 93. For Yi Bingshou see Shodo Zenshii, XXIV, 170.
3. The Kuaixue ShiqingTie by Wang Xizhi, the ZhongqiuTie by Wang Xianzhi,
and the Boyuan Tie byWangXun (349 -400 ).
4. Fu Shen,Traces of the Brush, numberra; and Nakata and Fu,Obei Shuz/5, I ,
plates r-6.
5. Reproduced in Nishikawa Yasushi edito r, Seian Hirin (Tokyo,1966 ), plates
ro9-no.
6. Shodi5Zenshii,I, plate 73; Kinbun Shu3 ( Shoseki Meihin Sokan 3 /120 )
(Tokyo, 1964 ), number 376. AlsoJessica Rawson ,Western Zhou Ritual
Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Washington DC and
Cambridge MA , 1990),153, and138 for bronze finds in Shaanxi .
7. Shodo Zenshu,VI ( Nanbokucho lI), plate 59.
8. ShodoZ enshu, vr ( Nanbokuchon), plate 86.
9. Mu Xiaotian and Xujiaqiong, Deng Shiru YanjiuZiliao (Beijing, 1988 ).
IO. Reproduced in Deng Yizhi editor , Deng Shiru Fashu Xuanji (Beijing ,
1964), plate 6.
rr. See Li Yangbing's Sanfenji of 767 in the Xi'an Beilin. Reproduced in Seian
Hirin,plates 83-84.
12. Shodi5Zenshii, xv ( Chugoku ro, So I), 8, figure n. For the different historical
and stylistic layers in Qing dynasty seal script see Lothar Ledderose, 'An
Approach to Chinese Calligraphy,' National Palace Museum Bulletin, VII,
number r (March /April 1972 ), 1-14.
13. Shodo Zenshu, XXIV (Chugoku 14, Shin 11), plate 15.
14. For an ana lysis of Deng Shi ru 's stylistic development see Lothar
Ledde rose, Die Siegelschrift (chuan-shu) in der Ch'ing-Zeit: Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte der chinesischen Schriftkunst (Studien zur Ostasiatischen Schriftkunst r) (Wiesbaden, 1970 ), 70-82.
15. ShinToKanpakuHakuShi Si5di5ki ( Shoseki M eihin Sokan165 )(Tokyo,1971), 3.
16. ShuSekikobun ( Shosek i Meihin Sokan 4 ) (Tokyo, 1964), plates 16-17. For the
stone drums see the comprehensive study by Gilbert L.Mattos, The Stone
Drums ofCh'in (Mon umenta SericaMonographseries XIX) (Nette ta!, 1988 ).
17. Shodo Zenshu, XXIV, plate 92.
2.

207