NEWS

NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
1625 Eye Street, N. w.
Washington, D. c.
20006
FOR IM.MEDIATE RELEASE
October 1, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT CROWN POINT-HAMMOND, IND., OCT. 1, 1964
BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER
REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S .

Twelve years ag_o , the American people made a careful, prayerful
decision between General Eisenhower and Adlai Stevenson .

The basic issue

was to pick a man who could best protect our peace and security .
The Russians had developed nuclear weapons in 1952 .

There was

apprehension around the world about the future with such weapons in
Communist hands.
In 1952, you chose wisely.
Dick Nixon.

You elected Dwight D. Eisenhower and

And how richly were you rewarded for you choice .

For eight, happy, prosperous and peaceful years, the EisenhowerNixon Administration maintained a strong system of national defense .
ended the war in Korea.
history.

They

They built your defenses into the strongest in

They turn ed back the aggressive moves of Communism .

They kept

our countr y a t peac e .
On this November third, you have another critical choice .
Curiously, the issues are similar to 1952.
our government expects the Red Chinese Communists to explode a
nuclear weapon sometime in the near future .
We are at war in Viet Nam.

We are at war regardless of what the

Administration says .
(more)

-2-

And today, Lyndon Johnson, like Adlai Stevenson before him, thinks
we can negotiate with Communists.
defense.

He thinks we can curtail our national

He believes that peace will prevail if we talk nice to the

Communists -- if we expand our trade with them.

He thinks that Khrushchev

will no longer want to bury us if we avoid taking-a firm stand against
the Communist program of expansion.
Ladies and gentlemen, Lyndon Johnson is wrong -- dead wrong.
General Eisenhower knew that peace depended upon our strength.
Republican party believes it.

The

And I believe it.

The United States must provide adequate security for our freedoms.
We must remain the strongest military power in the world in order to
maintain the peace and protect our freedoms.
There is no other way.
We are wrong when we strengthen the Communist economy by extending
it credit and trading with it.
We are wrong when we fail to develop new weapons systems to keep
pace with changing military concepts.
We are wrong when we practice appeasement -- because appeasement is
surrender on the installment plan.
Weakness and vaccilation only increase the likelihood of international war.
President Eisenhower was right in 1952, and Republicans are right
in 1964.
we must be firm in resisting Communist aggression.
we must be strong enough -- and remain strong enough

in our

national defense so the Communist dictators will respect our power.
The communists must always know that any war would be disastrous
to them.
(more)

-3-

The real question in this campaign is not who is "trigger happy"
or who will "press the button."
Lyndon Johnson and Hubert Horatio want peace.
certainly are men of peace.

Bill Miller and I

None of us would ever intentionally start

an atomic war.
No, my friends, the issue in this campaign is something quite
different.
The United States will never start any war.

The world universally

recognizes and approves our adherence to peace.
If war ever comes, it will be because the Communists shoot first.
That decision -- the decision to start a war -- is the only
advantage the godless Communists and their dictatorship hold over us.
Only men without conscience

only men who deny their creator --

would initiate atomic war.
And if the Communists ever should begin such a war, they would pit
their heaviest attack against our government in Washington, on our
largest cities, and on our transportation centers.
In all likelihood, the President of the United States and the VicePresident would not be around at all to push the button.
It would be too late for button-pushing.
The issue today, therefore, ·as it was in 1-952, is to elect a President who will consistently keep before the Communists a clear-cut picture
of what will happen to them if they push the button.
This country must always maintain such superiority of strength, such
devastating strike-back power, such a strong network of allies, that the
Communists would be creating suicide for themselves and their society if
they push the button. (
This harsh fact means that the United States needs a President who
will never practice appeasement.
(more)

-4A President who will keep America strong and supreme.
A President whose leadership will convince both the Communists
and their allies that any wars they might start would result in their
complete destruction.
The choice is peace through strength, or the· increasing possibility
of war through weakness.
Some sensational political propagandists have raised the question:
"Whose finger do you want on the atomic button?

11

The answer to that one is easy.
Not Khrushchev's.

Not Mao Tse-Tung's.

Not the finger of any

God-hating, conscienceless dictator anywhere in the world.
We want a President and a country so firmly opposed to Communism
so strongly dedicated to freedom, so capable of developing an impregnable
defense system, and so dedicated to standing up to Communist threats and
exhortations that peace will be permanent and our freedoms will be
secure.
We will not start a war against anyone.
And the Communists must be certain that any holacaust they unleash
will result in their own total destruction and the end of their system.
Ladies and gentlemen, I offer you this choice on November 3.
Bill Miller, and the men and women who have gathered around us for
this campaign are men of character, integrity, prudence and successful
experience.
There are no men of the Americans for Democratic Action among us.
There

are none

like Hubert Horatio -- who have proposed turning over

our atomic weapons to the United Nations.
want

There are none among us who

to increase trade with the Communists so they can become stronger.

There are none among us who believe that we get permanent peace by
forcing friendly nations to submit to Communists.
(more)

.

-5-

There are none among us who believe that concessions and appeasement will satisfy the Communist bully.
There are none among us who want to recognize Red China in the
foolish hope that recognition will make friends out of the Red Chinese.
No, we will tighten our security where we have been weakened in
the past four years.
We will do the research necessary to keep pace with modern
weaponry.
We will deal fairly but firmly at all times with the enemy.
We will support our allies and our. alliances that bulwark us against
Communism.
We will maintain the defense establishment strong enough to keep
the peace against our only potential enemy -- the Communists.
we will insure that the Red leaders alway recognize that if they
ever should push the botton, we would destroy them.
Never in the 20th century has a Republican President involved this
country in a war.
Never in the 20th century has a Democratic President been able to
maintain the peace without letting us get involved in foreign wars
either great or small.
Never in this century has the Democratic party understood that
peace is kept through strength.

Peace is for those strong enough

keep it.
The path to peace is to vote Republican on November 3.
-30-

to

NEWS

NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

Repnblican National Committee
1625 Eye Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C.
20006
Phone:
{202) NA 8-6800
AUTOMATIC RELEASE
at 6:30 p.m., EDT,
FRIDAY
October 2, 1964

EXCERPTS OF CP.MPAIGN REMARKS AT PEORIA, ILL., OCT. 2, 1964
BY SEN.

BARRY GOLDWATFR, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE
..

FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

We must put an end to drift, to deception, and to defeat.
We must stop, once and for all, being soft on Communism.

We have had four years of drift in Washington, and the result
is Lyndon Johnson's war.
of weakness.

Lyndon Baines Johnson has sowed the wind

He has reaped the whirlwind of war.

we have had four years of deception in Washington, and the
result is shattered prestige.

Even the Central Intelligence Agency

shouts that our prestige has dipped below the peril point.
Are you proud of our fight for freedom?
Panama?

Are you proud of

Are you proud of the burned effigy in Greece?

proud of wheat deals with the destroyers of liberty?

Are you
Are you proud

when no country is too small to pull Uncle Sam's whiskers and get
away with it?
Are you proud of what has happened to the grand alliances of
freedom,

so patiently built in the Eisenhower-Dulles years?

What

has become of CENTO, SEATO , ANZUS, and NATO?
You know what has become of them.

over the last four years,

' one, in the mist of drift, deception,
they have vanished, one by
and defeat.
And there, my fellow Americans, is the challenge of the hour.
If we are to meet the threat of Communism -- if we are to keep
Khrushchev

from burying us

to unify the free world.

we must move swiftly and resolutely
We must pick up the pieces of our once

grand alliances and put them together again.
(more)

-2-

My fellow citizens, the free world has strength so mighty
that Communism would halt in its tracks if we were truly united .
Do you realize that more than two-thirds of the world s
I

productive capacity is located in the fifteen countries of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization?

Do you realize that 470

million intelligent and able people live there?

Do you realize

that the economic power of our North Atlantic allies, taken
together, equals our own?
Here are the elements of power in the free world.

Here are

all the elements we need, already in being -- just waiting to be
put to use in ending the Communist threat.
Only one thing is missing, but it means everything.

That

one thing is un i ty -- unity in cause, unity in purpose, and unity
in action.

In

its place, we have disunity and disarray, brought

to the free world by four years of drift, deception, and defeat.
How can we create unity out of chaos?

It will not be easy.

It surely cannot and will not be done by a quick overnight trip to
Europe by the head of an Administration that has mistreated its
allies for four long years.

What was shattered over four years

cannot be put together in one weekend.
No. Unity can be created now·only by a bold and joint attack
on the roots of the problem.
One of my first acts as President will be to initiate a call
for a North Atlantic conclave.
object:

That conclave will have a single

to create a North Atlantic Community unified in spirit,

purpose, and action.
As the first step,

I will name a blue-ribbon delegation of

American citizens to meet with delegates from other NATO nations
to plan the conclave.

Those great statesmen of this nation who

helped build NATO should join together in leading.the American

delegation.
(more)

This is the constructive way to mobilize the strength of the
free world in the struggle against Communist domination.
the way of partnership with unity.

This is

This is the way toward a true

Atlantic civilization.
Let us look to the flowering of that Atlantic civilization:
the whole of Europe reunified and freed, trading openly across
its borders, communicating openly across the world.
What a destiny can be ours -- to stand as a great central
pillar linking Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital
peoples of the Pacific.
Let us look to the day when America extends its hands in
help, in teaching, and in cultivation so that all new nations
will be encouraged to go freedom's way .

Let us sweep away the

drift, deception, and defeat that makes these new nations wander
down the dark alleys

of tyranny and the dead-end streets of

collectivism.
With your help and with God's blessing, Bill Miller and I
will lead this nation forward again along the proven path charted
by the wisdom of our history.
defeat.

We will end drift, deception, and

We will bring purpose, integrity, and victory to the

cause of peace and freedom everywhere.

-30-

·

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FOR RELEASE

FOR RELEASE 4 P.M.
October 6, 1964

SPEECH BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT
OF THE U.S.

, 4 P.M, OCT. 6, 1964, BEFORE THE ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF

UPI EDITORS AND PUBLISHERS, STATLER HILTON, WASHINGTON, D.C.

Like a parachutist whose rip cord has jammed, you gentlemen are in
some danger, it seems to me, of jumping to a conclusion.

Two, as a mat-

ter of fact.
The first is that there is no contest in this election.
is that there are no issues.
here.

The second

There's no sense in arguing the first point

It's interesting, however, to check it in the field.

reporters have done it, I know.

A few of your

Most are content to rely on polls, and

tend to ignore a grass roots political movement that reminds some of us
of 1948 when there wasn't any contest either.
One of the reporters on our recent Whistle Stop had a typical explanation of why he discounted the crowds at each of our stops.
he said,

"Why,"

"they're nothing but supporters."

The second point is the one to which I want to address myself · -the issues:

There are two kinds of deafness that can explain why a per-

son would say that there are no issues in this campaign.
cal.

One is mechani-

Some people just assume that some sort of Socialism--or whatever

name they give it--is inevitable, that most Americans really favor it,
and that the only real political issues are choices between how far or
how fast.

I take violent exception to that.
(more)

-2-

The great domestic issue of this entire campaign is whether we will
take a path that leads to Socialism, or whether we will get back on a
road of individual freedom, individua l responsibility, and individual initiative.
For obvious political reasons, there are some people who would like
to confine this entire discussion to such programs as Social Security.
They say I'm against i t and Lyndon Johnson is for it.
are quite different.
that.

I support social security.

The facts, of course,

My voting record proves

But I have also supported and will continue to support private

programs, union programs, company programs, and individual programs of
security for older age.
This Administration, on the other hand, wants to tack so many things
onto the Social Security System that the inevitable result would
be the elimination of the private programs altogether and, eventually, the
bankruptcy of even the Social Security System itself .
gloom and doom either.

France is facing just this situation today.

There is a clear choice.
keep Social Security.

This isn't partisan

The choice isn't whether we're going to

Of course, we are.

going to leave room for any other programs.

The choice is whether we are
I say we should.

The Ad-

ministration says, by its actions, if not by its words, that we can afford
to sacrifi ce the private plans and eventually wind up with nothing but
a Federal plan.
That is an issue.

It is the sort of issue that we can see at every

turn.
Are we going to leave room for any sort of individualism in this
country or are we going to sacrifice it all to the demands and the supposed bene f i ts o f Government control?
(more)

-3-

It would be a lot simpler, of course, if the Administration would
speak in terms of Socialism and control--as

well as in terms of benefits--

but we won't hold our breath waiting for that.
terms or not, we in the opposition must.

Whether they talk in those

And you, who record and report,

should do us the courtesy, at least, of resisting the assumption that
we are talki n g about something that has no place in current real i ty.
The people of this country have not--no matter how many columnists
say they have--have not decided that Federal Government control and
Federal Government programs are the only answers to our problems.
There are state governments that are doing a far better job of providing medical care under the Kerr-Mills Bill than is even envisioned under the Federal Medicare program.
There are local endeavors that have done more to advance educational
standards, with local money, than any Federal program of which I am aware.
There are neighborhood activities that have done far, far more to
racial tensions than all the Federal programs put together.
Private entrepreneurs provide more jobs than even the mounting Federal
payroll.
The list is endless. the people of this nation £fill solve their problems
in many ways, at many levels, without running to Washington.
There is a great issue.

And I claim it is a fully legitimate issue.

This Administration, no matter how you slice it, wants to pass solutions
on to the people g.Q!!l Washington.
centered.

It is Washington--centered,

not
state--

It is bureaucracy--centered, .!lQ.:!:. individual--centered.

People generally are corning to recognize this.
to recognize the issue involved:

And they are corning

Free enterprise and balanced Government

versus a controlled economy and an all-powerful central Government.
(more)

-4-

The very nature of the two parties, it seems to me, has made this sort
of confrontation, between concentrated power and dispersed power, inevitable.
The Johnson Administration is a clear amalgam of big pressure groups.
It includes big city bosses, the bosses of big labor, and most recently
some of the bosses of big business.
The Johnson Administration, because of this, I charge, cannot truly
represent the national interest.

It is dominated by special interests.

Its policies are written by-and-for pressure groups and its votes, dependably,
come from them.
The Republican Party, here and now, is free of such pressures.

It

has a broader base than ever, and fewer spokesmen for specail interests
than ever.

As some of your columnists are fond

of pointing out, it isn't

even catering to traditional political pressures.
The columnists gleefully or, in one or two cases, sadly regard this
as a disaster.

We regard it as a sort of partisan Magna Carta, freeing

Republicanism from any regional or class dependency and making it a truly
national party, representative of all classes.
Surely there is an issue there!

After all, the two parties are the

warp and woof of our political fabric.

When they undergo internal realign-

ment, that should be an issue, and it should be cause for enlightened
commentary.
our governmental fabric is under great strain also these days.

And

there is an issue there!
Again, no matter how you slice it, the present Administration stands
for the steadily increasing power of the Executive branch of Government.
And it can be expected to appoint to the Judiciary branch, the Supreme
Court, men with a similar predisposition or,

at least, men who take the

distinctly Roosevelt-Johnson view that the Court ought to rule on the
(more)

-5-

basis of what the justices want the laws to mean, rather than contenting themselves with what Congress intended them to mean.
surely an issue

There is

here--and millions of Americans know it.

The way we vote in this election will have profound meaning for the
whole shape of our Government.

Those who vote to continue the present

Administration will be voting for the power to reduce the Federal Legislature to a rubber stamp, the Judiciary to an ink pad, and state legislatures to little more than carbon copies.
I know that.

Some people want it that way.

But others don't and this is

an issue.

Those who vote for

me will be voting, very clearly, to restore the power of the Congress so
that it can fully balance the power of the Executive.
The balance of governmental power has shifted so much already that I
am convinced that it

will take a chief executive who is wholeheartedly

devoted to the proposition, to restore the power of Congress.
I'm not sure that Congress, against such a politically powerful and
willful president as Lyndon Johnson can do the job alone.

That's just

another indication of how crucial an issue this really is.
Also, those who vote for me will be voting for appointment to the
Supreme Court of men with a clear devotion to Constitutionalism.
We can hear, however, the comment that Goldwater can't really mean that
this is an issue because he talks of building up our defenses, and opposing Communism, and you can't do that without a great Federal power.
I don't regard this as a contradiction or a subject for political

snide talk.

I regard this, too, as a

re
issue.
al

One of the most clearly defined duties of the President is foreign
policy.

one of the most clearly defined Federal functions, is the com-

mon defense.

We have Federal methods of doing both those jobs.

I do

not suggest for a moment diminishing any Federal powers, purchases, or
personnel needed for those jobs.
(more)

There is no constitutional conflict at all between saying that the
states should have a greater say in running their schools, their welfare
programs, and their police forces and that the Federal Government should
take even greater interest in stopping the spread of Communism.
In point of fact, it could be said that the present Administration
turns the situation around 180 degrees.
firmly control

It wants to do more and more to

the sovereign states and less and less to maintain a firm

foreign policy.

And right here is the other great area that is at issue

in this campaign.
Again, there is a conclusion that a majority of commentators draw-or jump to!

That conclusion is that Communism is mellowing, that the

Johnson tactics are successfully dealing with it, and that accommodation
is the one, the only, and the absolutely accepted way of dealing with
Communism.
You know that I reject that.
of Americans also reject that.

You may or may not admit that millions

This is a live issue, a real issue, and a

deeply significant issue.
I hold, and millions of Americans hold that Communism remains the number
one and, in fact, the o n l y r e
threat
al
to peace in the world today.

I hold,

as do millions of Americans, that Communism has Il.Q!.. changed its objectives -only its tactics, and its cosmetics.
If Communism has mellowed, can you really explain the situation in
the Congo, in Cuba

elsewhere in Latin America, in Malaysia, at the Berlin

Wall, in Vietnam, or anywhere else in the world where there is unrest,
subversion, violence, or threats to the peace?
No, Communism remains a threat.

It remains dedicated to our destruc-

tion, and it remains virtually unscored on by the policies of this Administration.
The issue here, then, is simply whether we are to regard Communism
as an active threat to us and to the peace, or whether we are to regard
i t as a settled matter now stabilizing into a form of mellow normality.
(more)

-7-

I know that many who will vote for Lyndon Johnson, on the basis of

his for foreign policy approach, want to believe that and do believe in the
new normality of a divided world.

But this is not a settled matter.

There

is a vast difference of opinion among the people--and it is an issue.
Those who vote for me will be voting to treat Communism asan enemy--not
a new friend.
How should we deal with Communism?
commentators, again, say there is

.!}.Q_

Is .there no issue there?

issue because there is

doing anything differently than w e a r
doing
e
it.

no

Some

chance of

Their reason, usually,

depends upon an assumption that any tough line taken against the Communists
would threaten the world with nuclear war.
Lord knows, this is an important issue.

And, Lord knows, no matter

how you slice it again, this Administration peddles that line day and
night--even when it ignores it in practice.

Their little adventure in

the Gulf of Tonkin, along with others to permit the pursuit of enemy
planes even into Red China, were living refutations of the fear that
any action taken against Communism will bring on a general war.

Our

action during the missile crisis was another refutationo
The Eisenhower-Dulles actions in Lebanon and the Formosa Straights were
other refutations.
But, regardless of what this Administration does in certain sensitive incidents, its general operating pattern is clearly one that pushes
Communism only when Communism puts some nearly intolerable pressure on
us.
The choice to be made in voting this year, therefore, is between
a policy of reacting .i.Q. Communism, and usually after some crisis or another, or a policy of seeking\ initiatives in which we
can apply pressures
to

Communism.
A good example is the matter of trade.

We can expect, from this Ad-

ministration, repetition after repetition, of the Wheat Deal in which we
gave the Soviet Union everything it wanted, on its terms and timetable.
(more)

-8-

Under my Administration, I can promise you, every such negotiation
would carry as steep a price as possible for the cause of freedom.

The

destruction of the Berlin Wall would be one price tag I would set on such
negotiations.

Others, too, should be obvious.

In taking this approach, I am not, as any reasonable and fair person
should know, looking for a fight with Communism.

The notion that any

American now involved in our campaign would deliberately set out to start
a war is one which flies fully in the face of reason.
Was Churchill advocating war with Germany when he urged British
preparedness in the thirites?

Of course not.

He was suggesting a way

and, as it turned out, the only possible way to avoid war.
My position here, and the issue here, is quite clear to most Americans--or it was until so much static developed.
I advocate and, if elected, promise that this nation will continue
to develop new weapons and maintain a flexible, practicable military force-so that the Soviet Union always will know that it cannot safely risk
pushing us to the brink of war.

If Hitler had known this, I am convinced

that we never would have had the Second World War.
My charge, against this Administration--and it is one which you gentlemen have only scratched--is that it deliberately is permitting our development of new weapons to lag, that it is phasing out 90% of our nuclear
delivery capability, and that it is straitjacketing our deterrent forces
and our NATO allies.
I have read very few papers that have expressed full satisfaction with
Secretary McNamara's replies to these charges.
This remains an issue.

And you gentlemen remain virtually the only

vehicle of running it down fully and finally.
The question of nuclear controls is another issue in which you have
a deep responsibility.
fear complex out of it.

This Administration has attempted to create a
This Administration has attempted to make an
(more)

-9-

ugly and violent issue out of it, charging me with virtual madness in
suggesting that there badly needs to be a clearly understood delegation
of authority in this field.
Such a delegation, among other things, is needed to assure that NATO
is not stranded, without nuclear authority, because of putting the control solely and absolutely in the very mortal hands of one man, the
President.
This fraudulent attack has now become publicly exposed.

We now know,

publ i cly, that there are arrangements under which the power to use nuclear
weapons is delegated.
for years.

We now know publicly that this has been the case

We now know publicly, exactly what I was trying to force this

Administration to Admit and to face, that there must continue to be a
delegation of nuclear authority to our Supreme Commander in NATO.
I was warned,

and am still

tual political suicide.
open where friend

warned, that making this an issue was vir-

Not making it an issue, not getting it out in the

and foe alike can understand it, however, might be part

of an act of national suicide--and that concerns me far more deeply.
And the voters of the nation should be concerned by the spectacle of
a president who, as Lyndon Johnson did, would deliberately misstate

the

facts, regarding the awesome question of nuclear responsibility, just to
score a political opponent.
Al though it may seem an unlikely jump, I would like to mention the matter
of civil rights at this point also.

When I voted against the current .

Bill, because of the Employment and Public Accommodations sections, I
also was advised that I was committing political suicide.

r

suggest that the issue here is whether the people of this nation,

white and Negro alike, want a man as president who will approach Civil
Rights on the basis of his own conscience or whether we will continue to
see Civil Rights treated as a brutal weapon of political power.
(more)

The final issue, which also is a real issue, on which this campaign
should be decided and evaluated is the broad question of law and order .
I have stressed, in this issue, the personal example of the President .
This is not, to my mind, a matter of mere personality, however.
I do not, and many other Americans cannot, see how an effective force
for law and order can be forthcoming from the White House when it is a
common assumption

the length and breadth of the land that the White House

itself is involved with questionable activities.
This is an issue of infinite detail, as you know.
tion only one here and now because it is an

I 1 d like to men-

instance in which you gentle-

men could apply extraordinarily effective pressure.
This Administration has been derelict for a year in not demanding,
through the President's Attorney General, a grand jury investigation of
the prima facie evidence of illegal acts by Bobby Baker .

Only a Grand

Jury can compel the testimony needed to arrive at the truth.
There is no excuse of which I am aware for delaying such a Grand
Jury action.

So long as it is delayed, the widespread uneasiness about

regard for law and order in the White House itself will remain a very
active and, to my mind, very unfortunate issue of this campaign.
Let me sum up all this.

The great choice between honest Conserva-

tism and the sort of pseudo liberalism that

has come to be marked by Fed-

eral controls and bureaucracy is very much with us no matter the shortsightedness of a few who look but will not see.
I won my party's nomination as a Conservative.

I won it because

millions of my fellow Republicans believe that an honest choice will find
most Americans going Conservative this year.
I won my party's nomination because I do, frankly, take a tough line
when it comes to keeping Communism from gobbling up our world or threat ening the peace.
(more)

I won my party's nomination because millions of my fellow Republi -

cans

believed I had the experience, the conviction, and the ability for

national leadership.

The issues t hat won the nomination for me are the

same issues we are taking to the people today .
They are the same issues on which I expect to win on November 3 .
- 30 -

NEWS

NEWS

ADVANCE FOR RELEASE
9:30 P.M., EDT, TUESDAY
October 6, 1964

NEWS

From: REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
1625 Eye Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. (Ph: NA 8-6800)

"AMERICA ASKS

SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER

(Transcript of nationwide NBC TV and Radio Program, 9:30-10 p.m., Oct. 6)
ANNOUNCER

The program normally broadcast at this time will
not be seen.

The following, pre-recorded

politic al

program is sponsored by the Republican Campaign Ccrr.mittee.
Barry Goldwater has been actively campaigning

Senator

for the past few

weeks and everywhere the crowds have been enormous.

Well over

50,000 people filled the Chavez Ravine in Los Angeles, fantastic
turn-outs were the rule in Seattle,

Detroit, Atlanta,

everywhere;

and during the past week it seemed as if the State of Chio wanted
to adept Barry as a native son.
Cincinnati's

All records were broken in

famed Cincinnati Gardens: in Columbus 60,000 men,

women and children shouted themselves hoarse.
city

Of course, in every

the Senator has talked with literally hundreds of people on

a person-to-person basis and he's answered countless questions.
what kind of questions?

Well, tonight let's watch and listen as

"America asks Senator Barry Goldwater."
NBC studios in Washington, D.

The Senator is in the

c., together with him, we

will

watch the large screen.

GOLDWATER:

Good evening, my fellow Americans.

It's

sure good

to be with you again, but let's not waste any time.
Let's see what these questions are going to be tonight.

ANNOUNCER:
R:

Robert Clark,

a member of Teamsters local #399,

has driven from one end of the country to the other
many times.
a boy

He is 37 years old and the father of two children,

of ten ar.d a gi.rl of eleven.

CI.ARK:

I've been paying income

taxes for an awful long time

and it's getting harder and harder to put meat and
potatoes en the table.

What is Barry Goldwater's tax

reduction

going to do and how is it going to help me to take more money home
in my check.

Is this tax reduction going to help me bring home

a bigger check?

Well,

GOLDWATER:

Mr.

to you.

Cl.ark,

I'd be very glad

to explain

that ..

Yes, you'll take home a bigger ·c heck and · · ··

you 1 ll take it home in better dollars if we can accomplish this,

tax

because the budget must be balanced before we • can make this
cut effective.

Mind

you, i.t 's

a five

percent

a

year

reduction

tax

25 _percent.

for five years which should mean in the end

And,

applying this .it would also. require... the Federal ... Government
within its income.
years.

When we live

when we live
That's s why

within- our. income,

outside our income,
I . say,

done for

it hasn't

something that

many,

the dollar has

by

to live
many

stability;

the ·dollar has instability.

..Mr . C.la.rk, ...that the

paycheck

·- · worth more to you. and at ·the same time your

you . get will

government

be

will be

· able to operate efficiently · within its balanced budget,
So the tax cut that we .have proposed is a sound ·· one; there'
g immickry ·to it, it ' s not something

that 's proposed

vote... .it 1 s proposed to get America along the road

ANNOUNCER:
R:

Born

in Webb City, Missouri,

to get your
and to help

.. but claiming

Tulsa,

Oklahoma as her h'-r"'"me town, .Belen Boatwright,

executive secretary
father was

..an . iron . worker

high school and

BOA'IWRIGHT:

has a question

for us .

s no

Miss Boatwright'

·

an·
s

and moved ·to Tulsa where she attended

business college.

I have

a question for

Senator Goldwater..

I have

been reading in the papers that Red China and the
··- Russian Communists seem to be constantly in disagreement,
you think ..we should. start dealing with Red China and

Do ·

what is your

attitude toward Red China? ..
GOLDWATER:

seeming rift between the Chinese Communists
Russian Communists .
that fight,
world.

we're

So don't

Just keep this in mind;

and the

No matter who wins

still finding Cormnunists as our enemy in this
be encouraged
by it as many Americans falsely

-more-

-

3

-

communism is our enemy and we have to be prepared to meet

are.

it whether it's from Red China or from Russia.
Now, I don't propose that we deal with Red China; I think

it would be a mistake to deal with any out-and-out Communist
nation because we find generally that their econpmic systems are
weak and every time we help them, like the wheat deal with Russia,
we are helping them out of a dilemma instead of making them face
up to the fact that they are weak and they're weak only because
they are enslaved.

Free people are not weak, free people can

develop their economies but in these two countries the economic
systems are not developing at a pace that will keep up with the
rest of the world.
So, my attitude frankly,

Miss Boatwright, is not to have

economic dealings with Red China or with Russia.

I would in-

stead continue to recognize them for what they are; the enemy of
free men around this world and treat them as enemies.
ANNOUNCER:
R:

c. W.

Manville is a dairy man, milk producer and

distributor who is more concerned with the
appearance of his cows than his own.

His dairy, utilizing the

latest in modern milking equipment, enables one man to milk up to
180 cows a day.

Mr. Manville expressed extreme concern about

another area as well.
Senator, I'm really conce.rned about Cuba.

MANVILLE:

Apparently

we've lost the Monroe Doctrine by default; we
have a Communist base in our back yard; military supplies can
be supplied easily to any South American country.
policy?

What is your

Do you think that we can free Cuba without a major war?

GOLDWATER:

Yes, Mr. Manville, I do, and I've thought so for a
long, long time.

I thought, for example, that the

action that President Kennedy took several years ago was the
right action, only he didn't go far enough with it.

Now, just

briefly, I think we should work in complete harmony and concert

-

4

-

with the Organization Of American States in anything that we

do about Cuba.

I believe, for example, that a blockade, must

be employed there and I don't think this would necessarily be
an act of war, although some might disagree.

If we deny her the

means of continuing production, if we deny her the necessities of
her industrial life, I don't think it would be too very long
before we could come to terms with her.
I would go further, I will allow a government in exile to
be formed by the Cubans who are living in this country and elsewhere,

recognize that government, and then help them in any

way that we can.

This would mean, for example, training those

Cubans and others who would like to go in and help restore their
free government .

It would mean supplying them.

It would mean

air-lift, air drops, and possibly sea-lift; but it need not
employ our own men, our own boys, our own services.

This, of

course, would be used only in the case that we were unable to get
Communism out of that country by other means.

I have thought all

along that we've been too slow, we've been too weak, we have had
no purpose so far as Cuba goes and it's disturbing to me for us
to be so actively concerned about Communism in South Viet Nam
when 90 miles off of our shores, we find a Communist country,
of no military danger to us mind you, but of great danger to all
of the Latin countries because, from Cuba, these other countries
can be infiltrated.

And, of course, we can be infiltrated too,

but the danger lies in the other countries of our hemisphere,
being

infiltrated by Communists and their goverumc:nts disturbed.

I believe
and

working

very firmly that working
with the Organization

with Cubans, exiled Cubans,

Of American

States, that we

can bring about, once again, the freedom in this great land to

the south of us, and cut a cancer, so to speak, out of the very
belly of this

hemisphere

- more -

ANNOUNCER:

5

-

Donna Simrnard is a 32 year old housewife whose
hobby is oil painting .

She is the mother of

four and her husband is music editor at a major motion picture
studio.

Mrs. Simmard drives what she frightfully calls a

vintage wreck of a Cadillac, which bears the battle scars of
her growing family.
MRS. SIMMARD
Senator Goldwater, I'm a housewife and the mother
of four .
me.

The future of my family deeply concerns

Do you feel that if we take a stronger stand on Communism

to maintain our freedom that a full-scale war is inevitable .
GOLDWATER:

Well, Mrs. Sirr,mard, to the contrary, I think that
if we are weak towards Communism that we are

inviting another war, and I've felt for some time and have said
so that we have not adopted, or we are not following, the
correct posture towards Communism.

Now, I don't mean that we

go out as the big bully and wave the big stick, but I won't to
see us maintain our moral, our spiritual, our economic, our
psychological strength in this country, and, yes, maintain our
military strength.
stand.

This is the one thing that Communists under-

I merely have to call your attention to the eight years

under President Eisenhower when we had
the proper use of our power.

peace in this world by

Oh, you recall the Formosan

Straits when we actually sent our airplanes and ships over there
and the Communists knew that if they forced us enough, we would
use them so there was peace .
I remember Lebanon, and I'm sure you do too, when we sent
the Marines over there with the fleet and what could have been
a bad situation was avoided .

We've gotten into three wars in

this century and we're in a little one now in south Viet Nam,
only because this nation was weak at the time .

I have never

believed that Hitler would have started World War II had the

- more -

-

6

-

United States been strong during the thirties.

And you recall,

after World War II we said let's get the boys home by Christmas

and we did and we destroyed a great military machine and then
we

said that Korea was outside the perimeter of our interest and

in went the Communists.

No, Mrs. Sirnmard, when.we try to

accommodate our enemy, when we try to do what they want us to do,
if we do this long enough, coupled with weakening our military,
which I charge we are doing now even though right now we're the
strongest military nation in the world, but I'm looking forward
to the 70's, if we do these things, the day will come when our
enemy, the Communists, and they're the only enemy of peace in
the world today, will feel superior to us and then they will
attack.

So, I believe very firmly that the way to preserve peace

in this world i.s for the United States to remain strong in all
the facets that I have listed.
ANNOUNCER:

Delbert McKeon, a retired supervisor for the
Firestone Tire and Rubber Company, has 12 great

grandchildren and a ten year old daughter who is the aunt of his

18 grandchildren.
MCKEON:

He retired in 1953.

Senator Goldwater, I am 76 years old.
I

live on Social Security.

I

My wife and

have heard that you

are against Social Security; I was just wondering how you stand
on the question?
GOLDWATER:

I believe, in the Social Security system and I
want to make it stronger.

that the President can do this?

Now, what is the way

The President can see to it

that the budgets are balanced in peace time and in times of good
business to the end that the value of the dollar remains stable.

I don 1 t think it does you much good to put a dollar in during
your working days, or your working years, and then begin to
receive a devalued dollar when you retire.

This is one of the

reasons,for example, that occasionally we have to increase the

- more -

-

7

-

benefits that go to the recipients of Social Security.

We

haven't done this since 1958 and the cost of living, which is
the inflation scale, sort of turned over, has gone up about
8 percent.
Now, this year we tried to raise the amount going to the
recipients of Social Security, but President Johnson stopped
that, in fact, stopped all the improvements in the Social Security
bill when he caused the conference on this matter to disband and
give up for this year.

I would do my best as your President to

see to it that the dollar you put in is worth something like
the dollar you take out.

And to recommend to the Congress, when

I felt that changes were needed, that would be of benefit to the
recipients and those putting money in, to do that and not wait.
Mr . McKeon, I was very glad to have you ask that question,
because people are concerned about Social Security, but I think
they ought to recognize their real enemy -- it's not Goldwater,
it's Johnson, who has stopped any new benefits coming to you
people and any increases coming to you,

at least for another

year -- and he's done it only for political reasons.

I don't

believe Social Security belongs in the realm of politics; I
think when you get to dealing with people's lives, with people's
savings, with what people have worked for and looked forward to
all their lives, that politics should go out the window and we
should proceed with what is best for you.

Let's look at that

next question now.
ANNOUNCER:

Bob Collins, a graduate of Tennessee State
University, is a narcotics- specialist for the

Department of Correction in a Western city.

He is 31 years old

and his ¼!eekends are spent on the golf course.
COLLINS:

I have several questions regarding the forthcoming
Presidential election,

important to me.

one of them I tael is very

Now, I have read that we have made extremely
- more -

-

8

-

large cash contributions to the underdeveloped foreign countries.

Now, Senator Goldwater, do you feel that we should have an

administrator to assist these countries in utilizing their
monies to their best interests?
GOLDWATER:

Yes, Mr. Collins, in many instances I do, but
mind you, we are now giving money to countries

that have no governments to speak of or are just forming governmcnts.

We're giving money to countries with changing governments.

I think in these instances it would be very wise for us to have
more say as to how this money is spent.

I don't like to see our

foreign aid money winding up in the hands of just a few; I think
it should be distributed if we're going to do it, amongst all
the people for the benefit of all the people.
But, Mr. Collins, I don't think that we can buy the friend
ship of a foreign country any more than I can buy your friendship
or you can buy mine.

I like other programs.

For example, well,

the Youth Corps and technical assistance, particularly these two,
go hand in hand.

We, in effect,

show these people in other

countries how we do things with our hands.
that if I could

do

I've always felt

something with my hands that made my life

better, and if I could pass that on to you or to anyone else, you
would be my friend.
purchasing it.

But, we can't accomplish this friendship by

And there's much to be done in these countries.

I've watched graduates of my University, the University of
.Arizona, working on the Delta of the Nile with Egyptians to show
them how to reclaim land.

I've watched college graduates and

laboring people in Israel teaching those people how to make concrete pipe so they can put water on their deserts and make their
deserts fruitful as we in the West have done with our own deserts.
I think that there are many things that we can do in the so-called
area of foreign aid, but when we get into foreign economic aid,
if this has to be and I have strong reservations on it, then I
would suggest that some of our allies who are certainly not
- more -

-

9

-

poor anymore and certainly look to us with some degree of thanks

for having helped them after the war, that they help us with
It might become a multi-lateral fund,

these monies.

so to

speak, out of which we could lend money to these countries and
expect to have it paid back.
But all of it, Mr. Collins, should certainly

be supervised,

so that we make sure the money is going where it will do the
most good, not into the pockets of a few -- those who comprise
the ruling class of that particular country.

That's a very good

question you asked, Mr. Collins, I'm glad you brought it up;

I was hoping someone would bring it up along the way, because
it's a subject that's very close to the hearts of all American
people.

Now, let's take a look at that next one.

ANNOUNCER:

Dominick Contursi, an ex-policeman, 35 years of
age, has been working for the past three years as

a studio mechanic and electrician.

Mr. Contursi is married and

has two children.
CONTURSI:

I've been interested in politics because since I
was a little baby, my dad was always in politics,

and many times I've seen tons of coal brought in front of the
house and the poor people would come there with their little
baskets picking up coal and the women and the men coming in
the house -- there'd be 500-600 pair of shoes that he had
gotten for the poor people.
poverty problem.

I was sort of interested in this

And, I was wondering, Senator Goldwater, if

you are elected President, how would you go about solving this
poverty problem.
GOLDWATER:

Well, Mr. Contursi, you're a very lucky fellow
as I've been.

Your father was a politician, and

my uncle, who practically raised me, was a Democrat politician
in the territory and State of Arizona, and I grew up, as you

- more -

-

10

were privileged to grow up, having a little better understanding

of politics and how politics works.

Now, Mr. Contursi, politics

will not solve the problems of the poor.

This "War On Poverty,"

that the President has initiated is merely a slogan.

And, we

in America have been fighting poverty ever since the country
began and we've been fairly successful in this war, if we
compare this country to other countries.
This doesn't mean that we're happy about the situation
today.

It doesn't mean for one moment that we're going to be

complacent about it.

I think the place to start this is in

industry, and, of course, in the schools.

Many of these people

who unfortunately fall in this class, have not had the advantage of education.

I think that we can certainly see to it that

they are provided education if they want it and this is the
·first requisite -- they have to have the drive.

I believe the

initiative and ambition that we find in almost every American
is the source of the answer to this problem.

Let American in-

dustry expand, let's not hamper American industry with high
taxes, with government regulations, with laws, with rules. with
the prying eyes of bureaucrats; let our industry go, so to
speak, so that they can provide the jobs.
Now, we have to provide about two and a half million jobs
a year in order to take care of the growing labor force, and we
should be doing this, but government action cannot do it.

We've

been at this, through the government now for over 30 years and
we

still have an unemployment problem and unless we do something

about it through the private enterprise system, I suggest that
we

're

going

to continue to have this problem.

So the answer is just in creating more jobs by making it
more enticing, if you want to use that word, for people to
invest the largest amount of savings we've ever had in this
country's history
.

invested

in new factories,

new tools, new

- more -

-

stores

new warehouses

11

-

so that this in itself can create more

jobs, more jobs create more income, more income creates more

demand, and we just go round and round that wonderful circle
that we've always been in that has made this country the
possessor of the greatest material wealth in the world .

We

will always be concerned about those in our population who live
in a lesser way than others, and we will never find a government
so callous as to disregard this but you will not find a government under my Presidency whose going to prey upon the poor by

saying

something like "War On Poverty," when the war has to

be fought frcm the free enterprise system and from the hearts
of the American people.
And there, my fellow Americans you have my views on some
of the questions that I find of special concern to many of
you, wherever I go in every part of this country.

Now, you

have every right to put these questions to candidates for the
nation•s highest office and, believe me, you have every right
to expect answers.

You should get straight answers, honest

answers, and answers now before November 3rd .

These are the

issues, of war and peace, of progress and freedom, that cannot
be shoved under the rug until after the election is over .

And,

anyone who tries do do this is simply failing in his responsibility to you, and to the office of the Presidency.
I charge my opponent with exc=ictly that failure.

His

refusal to debate me before a nationwide audience is simply
another instance of the same failure .

And I say that this

failure can only be explained in one of two ways; through .fear
of facing up to these issues or through contempt for the good
sense of the American people, and for their right to know where
candidates for offices of public trust really stand.
Now, in the few minutes remain·ing to us this evening, I
want to say something else to you without the possibility of
distortion,

without any filter between us.

I want to tell you

- more -

-

12

exactly what you can expect of a Goldwater-Miller Administration

on all these issues that concern you so deeply .
I

pledge to you.

I

This is what

pledge an Administration that knows there

is one threat and one threat only to peace in the world, and
that is Corr.munism.

I pledge an . Administration dedicated to

keeping the peace, an Administration that knows there is one
sure road to war and that is the road of weakness .

I pledge

an Administration that will keep this nation strong and prepared
because we know that only the strong can remain free and for
the same reason, we will rebuild the great alliances that are
the shield of free world security.

I pledge an Administration

that will never fail to stand up to the threat of Communism,
that will counter their promise tobury us with a promise of our
own:

You will live in freedom.

I pledge an Administration that

knows the scources of America's greatness, the ideals, the
convictions, the hopes and dreams of a free people and will
cherish this priceless heritage.

I pledge an Administration

that knows the secret of this nation's economic miracle, that
will encourage individual initiative and reward individual
enterprise.

I pledge an Administration that knows the inner

meaning of this Republic:

Free men and wcmcn living their own

lives, running their own lives, within the order of our Federal
Constitution.

I pledge an Administration with public servants who hold
sacred their public trust.

We pledge, Bill Miller and I, an

Administration that will restore to America a sense of greatness

and to the American people,
traditional institutions.

true pride in their nation and its
During our Administration, the

White House must and shall be once more a symbol of the ideals
that all Americans share so that, with God's blessing, we
shall achieve the American dream.

And all these, my fellow

Americans, are not just political promises in the heat of a

- more -

-

13 -

political campaign; they are pledges of the heart and now,

until this Friday evening, when we can visit again through
the medium of television, thank you and good night.
MASSEY:

I 1 rn Raymond Massey.

I'm quite convinced that

Barry Goldwater has the kind of honest
dedication this nation needs right now.

Programs like the one

you just saw are helping to spread the word among families who
want to know what Barry Goldwater stands for.

Now you must

know that these programs cost money, a lot of money.

If you

agree with me that the Goldwater story needs to be told, put
your money where your heart is -- send a check to T.
Goldwater-Miller, Box 80, Los Angeles 51, California.

v.

for
Send

what you can, no contribution is too small.

Sit down and

write a check to T.V. for Goldwater-Miller.

Mail it to Box

80, Los Angeles 51, California.

Support the Goldwater crusade.

In Your Heart, You know He's Right.
(Jingle)

######

Thank you.

FOR RELEASE

AMs THURSDAY
FOR RELEASE 6:30 P. M. , WEDNESDAY
October 7, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH
OF

BY

THE

SEN.

BARRY

GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

U.S., AT NEWARK, N.J., WEDNESDAY, OCT. 7,

1964

The theme of our campaign is clear:
--Peace through strength.
--Progress through freedom.
--Purpose through Constitutiona l order.
We don't mean the sleepwalker peace of this Administration .
We don't mean reliance on unproven theories that the enemy will
mellow.
We see the enemy for what it is, not for what we wish it
were.

And we know that Communism -- in Cuba, in Berlin, in Vietnam,

in the Congo, in Malaysia, wherever•it is at work -- is the only
real thr eat to the peace of the world today.
Peace i s for those who are strong enough to keep it .

If we

have t he strength of arms and will to keep the peace, Communism's
wrong idea can be exposed, its internal contradictions can be
exploited, and eventually its tyranny can be ended.
I've been in war .

I

have sons and daughters whom I do not

want touched by war -- or by slavery!

That's

why I want a strong

America -- to stop the war that is looming on the horizon of this
Administra tion's namby-pamby, defeatist, and confused foreign policy .
We want strength at home, in our economy, and we want it through
fr e e dom.

Our free enterprise system has brought us the greatest

riches of any people on earth.

It can continue to do it if we
(more)

(2)

take the government shackles off.

It can do it if we place our main

reliance on individuals, on hard work, on creativity, investment,
and incentive.
This Administration talks of a phony war on poverty -- but
it has made a truce with· unemployment.

It chooses the path of

expanded Federal programs and jobs -- and you pay the bills for both.
we choose the way of real jobs and real wages in private enterprise!
· Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak
of Purpose Through Constitutional Order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is
master of, not servant of the people.
we say that November 3 can be the day you get your country back!
You want, and we pledge, an Administration that will restore
balance to our government -- to protect and restore our freedoms.
You don't want a Supreme Court that is encouraged to pass laws,
rather than interpret them and pass on their constitutionality.
And neither do Bill Miller and I.
during the next Administration

When vacancies occur--as they may
we want men appointed to the Court

who will support the Constitution, not scoff at it!
You don't want an Executive who tries to turn the Congress into
a rubber stamp, with a handle where their conscience should be.
And neither do Bill Miller and I!
We want humility and honesty of service in the White House-not arrogance and personal power.
We want lights turned on

in the White House.

Lights . of honesty,

lights of leadership.
We want the brightness of examples that will inspire law and order
in this land, not the darkness that encourages crime, violence, and
the creed of the fast buck.
In the last 3 or 4 years we have seen just about every crime
record on the books broken and rebroken -- juvenile delinquency,
assault, hoodlumism, theft, murder, dope addition.
(more)

(3)

And not only crimes as such, but divorce, school drop-outs,
mobs in the streets, and many other symptons of a sickness in our
society .
Now, what does this have to do with a political campaign
particularly, a Presidential election?
Is the Administration at fault when a pocket gets picked?
Is it the President's responsibility when a hoodlum breaks a
window in a candy store?
.Well , let's think about it.
People tend to look upward

for guidance, and

so leadership and

inspiration naturally radiate downward -- and so does corruption.
People look up to their clergy and their churches and they
expect to find righteousness.
People look up to their generals and their armies and they
expect to find bravery and dedication.
They look up to their President and their Government and they
expect to find integrity, honesty, indestructable moral fiber.
Seeing greed and murder, at the highest level, in too many alien
Governments,

it becomes all the more important to Americans to see

in their own the clear and constant evidence of morality.
Instead they see men who get rich in office.
scandal after another swept under the rug.

They see one

The·y see the very machinery

of their own government put in high gear to suppress the information.
If it can happen in the highest offices of our Federal Government
and if the people come, philosophically, to accept it with a shrug -then why not in state governments, in county administrations, in our
cities and towns.
And if our officials can get away with crooked deals and shady
practices, why not our private citizens?

Why not our children?

It's not enough that this example is reflected downward.

It is

as if it must be projected downward -- almost as if there were a will
to promote such practices.
(more)

(4)

Listen to Mr. Katzenbach, who has taken the place of Lyndon's

reject as Acting Attorney General.

He says, "The most dangerous thing

about organized crime is the extent to which it corrupts local government
and police officials."
And, "of course," he says, "your kids think the cop isn't honest,
think the City Council is on the take ..•
There's encouragement for honest policemen, for you! There's
a good excuse for a record crime wave in this Administration!

Blame

it on crime itself -- with the help of corrupt officials.
Blame it on the little guy.

The City Councilman, the Police

Chief.
Just call the officer on the beat dishonest -- but carefully
and quietly and lengthly
really any evidence

and expensively investigate to see if there's

against Bobby Baker!

And by all means -- drag it

out until the election is over!
And whatever you do, don't mention Billy Sol Estes.
about Matt Mcclosky!

And forget

or have you already forgotten about them:

Does this make any sense to you at all?
When corruption is discovered in high councils, why can't your
President j u s t s a
soy-- just tell us it's being dug out and destroyed.
What kind of private club has this Administration been running?
Whose Government is it, anyway?

It used to belong to the people.

How, you will rightly ask, will Bill Miller and I restore
domestic tranquility to this land?

Well, let me tell you how we ,will

do it.
First, by example at the top.
But example alone is not enough.

The President must use the

power and influence of his office to strike at the roots of the
breakdown in law enforcement.
Now, my opponent in this election would not understand what this
means.

To him, the way to solve a problem is to appropriate a few

hundred million dollars of taxpayers' money, and see if the problem will
(more)

(5)

disappear along with the money.

If that doesn't happen the next

thing to do is to create a new bureaucracy in the White House to

meddle in the affairs of others.
And while he meddles, the nation's capital is being consumed by
crime.
Here is a Federal responsibility -- the domestic tranquility of
the District of Columbia.

What, you might ask, has my opponent

done to fulfill his grave responsibility toward law and order in
our Capital City?
We have heard of and seen many wars in the time of the present
Administration.

But have we yet heard of the only needed war --

the war against crime?

No, not even in the city whose rule lies in

the hands o f the federal government.
This I can pledge to you -- that I will launch that attack.

We

will first of all use our power and influence to see that law
enforcement officers, on the state and local level, get back the
power they need to carry out their job.
Let me make this crystal clear:
state and local responsibility.
for a federal police force.

enforcement of the law is a

There is no room in this country

And there is no need for one.

But there is urgent need to return to state and local authorities the traditional powers to apprehend and punish criminals,
powers that have only recently been taken away from those authorities
by federal·courts -- particularly the Supreme Court.
I know you will agree with me that something needs to be done.
And let me suggest three things that can be done.
First, in making apppintments to the federal judiciary, the President
must consider the need to redress constitutional interpretation in favor
of the freedom and rights of the law abiding citizen.

He must appoint

men f ully qualified to carry out their judicial duties and to respect
the Constitution.

Ask yourselves whether my opponent would appoint
(more)

(6)

such men.

Remember that the recent decisions open to criticism have

been made by a closely divided Supreme Court .
Second, if the Court's decisions should remain unaltered , the
President can urge amendment of the Constitution .

Such amendment

should give back to the states those powers absolutely necessary for
fair and efficient administration of criminal law.

It should safe -

guard rights of criminal defendants, while giving the states power
to enforce law and order.
Third, the President should urge Congress to consider changing
some of the rules of judicial procedure in the federal courts .

Congress

clearly has this power under the Constitution.
These three proposals are constructive
sounder law enforcement.

steps in the direction of

But they can be advanced only by the right

leadership.
And, above all, that leadership must show •.. clearly and constantly,
the morality ... the honesty ... which our people have every right to
expect.
Doe sn 't your heart cry for a little common, ordinary honesty-a li ttle s i mple straight-forwardness?
Ar en't you getting sick to death of carefully prepared and
ambigious statements?
Can't t h at man talk to you as human beings?
My friends, example begins at the top.

And a Government that

is to hurl stones at corruption must be without sin.
I can never lay any claim to being above human error.

But I

make you one flat and unrestricted promise, here and now:
when I go to the White House -- from the

day I first walk in

until the day I last walk out -- I'll be honest with you.
---30---

-

-

FOR RELEASE

AM' s SATURDAY
October 10, 1964

.. THE REAL JOB oF THE PRESIDENCY"
SENATOR

BARRY

GOLDWATER,

REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE

FOR PRESIDENT OF THE

UNITED STATES AND FORMER VICE PRESIDENT RICHARD M, NIXON,1 ABC-TV

9:30 - 10:00 P.M., EDT, FRIDAY·, OCTOBER 9 1 1964.

NETWORK

Ladies and gen tlemen , the former Vice President
of the United States , Richa rd M. Nixon.
MR. NIXON

Good Evening .

My

fe l low Americans tonight, in just

a few moments , I will have the great honor of
presenting to you as I did at the Republican Convention in San Francisco,
the next President of the United State s , Ba rry Goldwater.

But, before

introducing him, I would like to tell you about a very exciting development in this campaign .

You' ve been r e ading about polls and commentators

and columnists and others who a re predicting that Barry Goldwater is going
on November the third .

Let

me

tell you what I have found.

I

started on October first on a long joumey; it will take me from Maine
to California and I will speak in 36 s tates, make over 150 speeches for
the Goldwater-Miller ticke t.

I 've been in 7 states already -- in New

England, in New York , and in t h e Midwe st.

And everywhere I've been,

beginning about October firs t, the re's been an up-turn, an up-turn particularly significant among worke rs, peop le that are thinking about these
issues, people that are going to producethe greatest army of volunteer
workers in America's political his tory on November the third.

I was in

cook county, just Wednesday night this week -- you remember Cook County
in 1960.

I recall it pretty well.

You know Lyndon Johnson's definition

of an extremist is a Mayor Daley Democr a t in Cook County who only votes

once.
- more -

Well,

what happened in 1960 isn 1 t

You know what I found?

going to happen in 1964

In 1960 there were 1,500 precincts in which

there was no Republican poll watcher.
This year, on Wednesday of this week, I attended a meeting
where over 4,000 precinct workers were present in Cook County.

And

every one of those 1,500 precincts and all the rest are going to be
covered .
attended.

It was the most enthusiastic political meeting I have ever
And that is just an example of what is happening all over

America.
Now, why this tide?

Why this enthusiasm?

Enthusiasm among

people at the grass roots, despite what the columnists and the commentators and the polls say America is supposed to be doing on November the third.

I'll tell you why I think it is:

People are beginning to listen.

They're beginning to look at

the candidates on television, they're beginning to think, and, most
important, they're beginning to learn the truth.

The truth for

example, about Barry Goldwater.
It 1 s pretty hard to get past some of the distortions that have
been built up about this man.

And, particularly one I want to touch

upon before he himself talks to you tonight.
You've heard him described as reckless, as trigger-happy, as
somebody who wants to start an atomic war.

You know how that began?

It began because Barry Goldwater advocated that, in case of a communications breakdown, our NATO Commander in Europe would be able to
respond to a massive Communist attack with nuclear, atomic, battlefield weapons.
Now, why did Barry Goldwater make this proposal, which incidentally was not new.

Well, the reason he did goes back to the Eisen-

hower Administration.

I was there when this decision was made.
(more)

-3-

Let's look at the picture.

In Europe there are 26 NATO divisions

including 6 American divisions -- they face over 100 communist divisions.
Now, it stands to reason that in the event of a Communist attack, we
would be at a terrible numerical disadvantage.
The only reason that we've been able to keep the peace in Europe
without surrender is because the Communists know that our NATO forces
are equipped with nuclear atomic weapons for battlefield use with
which they can respond to an attack if the Communists make such an
attack.
President Eisenhower, however., realized that there could be a
communications breakdown in which he, the President, would be unable
to give the order to the NATO Commander to use atomic weapons.
Now let's get the picture clear.

Senator Goldwater believes, as

does Lyndon Johnson, that the president of the United States should
have the responsibility for ordering the use of atomic weapons, but,
on the other hand, what we're talking about here is the President
being able to communicate the order and President Eisenhower knew
full well that a President could be sick, he could have a heart
attack, he could have a stroke; he knew also that there could be
a communications breakdown, and that is why he set up a procedure
whereby, in case of a communications breakdown, and in case of an
atomic attack, or a Communist attack of any type in Europe on a
massive basis against our troups, that they would be able to respond
with atomic weapons by orders of the NATO commander.
This procedure was carried on by President Kennedy and yet when Senator
Goldwater advocated reaffirming this procedure which President Eisenhower
had set up, President Johnson attacks Senator Goldwater as being a
war-monger, as being trigger-happy.
(more)

-4-

Now, let's look at the facts exactly as they are .
less?

Who is irresponsible?

Who is reck -

Not Senator Goldwater - he's advocating

a procedure that will protect the lives of two hundred and fifty
thousand American boys stationed in Europe and give them the ability
to answer an attack on an equal basis.
President Johnson is the one that has raised the doubt now,
a doubt as to whether he has abolished the Eisenhower procedure
and I say he owes it

to the American people to apologize to Senator

Goldwater for charging that Senator Goldwater was reckless, and a
war-monger.

And he also owes it to those 250,000 American fighting

men in Europe to say whether he, President Johnson, has discontinued
the Eisenhower procedure which would take place in the event of

a

communications breakdown and in the event that there was a Communist
attack which had to be met.

This is just one issue, an issue

Senator Goldwater has been painted as reckless, a war-monger,

in which
a

man

who shouldn't be President of the United States for that reason.
But he can speak for himself.

You've heard the charges that havo

been made, about the fact that he's impulsive, that he's a demagogue,
that he's reckless.

But you make up your own mind.

Now you're

going to see him, you're going to hear him.
Evaluate him;

this is a man who will be President of the United

States if you support him and I say to you I'm sure that when you
finish listening to him, you will say:

here's a reasonable man,

here's a calm man, here is a patriotic man.

Above all, here is a

great American who will make a great President.
my fellow Americans, Barry Goldwater.
(more)

I present to you,

say

that

we

have

statements by a

I

just

one

heard

of

the

most

candidate for President o f

would like to add one final

honest,

forthright

the United States ever made .

note .

The job of the Presidency is something that I know something about ,
because I saw President Eisenhower for eight years exercise great power .
I've seen him make decisions that made the difference between war and
peace and decisions that affected the lives and fortunes of individual
Americans by the millions.

With all the power that a President has

the most important thing to bear in mind is this:

you must not give

that power to a man uniess, above everything else, he has character,
character is the most important qualification that a President of
the United States can have.
And on that score, a cloud hangs .over the White House tonight,
it hangs over the White House becuase the present President of the
United States has refused to disassociate himself from policitcal
hanky-panky, from corruption, in his official family, in the Bobby
Baker Case .
it yet.

He

should and he can remove that cloud but he hasn't done

I say the Americanpeople are going to vote on November third

for a man of character, an honest man, of great principle .

They're

going to vote for Barry Goldwater.
I'm Raymond Massey .

I'm quite convinced that Barry Goldwater

.

has the kind of honest dedication this nation needs right now.
Programs

like the one you just saw are helping to spread the word

among families who want to know what Barry Goldwater stands for .
Now you must know that these programs cost money - a lot of
money.

If you agree with me that the Goldwater story needs to be

told, put your money where your heart is. · Send a check to TV for
Goldwater-Miller, Box 80, Los Angeles Sl, California.
can.

No contribution is too small .

TV for Goldwater-Miller.
ornia.

DISCLAIMER:

In

Send what you

Sit down and write a check to

Mail it to Box 80, Los Angeles 51, Calif-

Support the Goldwater crusade .
your heart you know he's right.

Thank you.
The preceding, political, pre- recorded broadcast was

--30--

-

11""""'- -

-

•

•

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
FOR RELEASE
AT 6:30 P.M. SATURDAY
October 10, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT THE TABERNACLE , SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH , OCTOBER 10, 1964
BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRE SIDENT OF THE U.S.

"There is a stir in the land.

There is a mood of uneasiness .

feel adr1.rt in an u n charted and stormy s·ea.

We

we feel we have lost our way .

11

These are wo r ds I used in launching my campaign for the Presidency
of the United

States.

They are words of great sorrow, for nothing is more

tragic than to speak of drift and decay in your native land .

Why do we see wave after wave of crime in our streets and in our
homes?

Why do we s ee riot and disorder i n our cities?

the morals of our young peop l e?
A flooa of obscene l iterature?
Erosion of

Corruption a round our highest offices?

the honor and dignity of our nation and of the individuals

You

: know the trag ic answer to these questions.

American

of t

(

An a larming rise in juvenile delinquency?

it?

who

I

A breakdown of

peo p le i s beset by rot and decay •

The moral fiber

And the most tragic
I

thing of all is that this decay has made its most virulent attack on our

I
I

young people .
Just li s ten to what J. Edgar Hoover, a faithful and impartial servant
o f the people, h ad to say about the r ecent wave of rioting:
adult trouble makers of ten incited the riots, the mob

11

_ _

was

dominated by the acts of youths ranging in age

up t o the mi d dle twenties.

They were variously characterized

by responsible people as 'school dropouts,'

'young punks,

1

· common hood lums,' and 'drunke n kids.'
"Rioting by these young people reflects an increasing breakdown across the nation in respect for the law and the rights
o f o ther people to be secure in their person and their property . "
(more)

(2)

In the same report, Mr. Hoover points out that juvenile arrests for
serious crimes have been rising three times as fast as the juvenile
population.
Now, just stop and think with me a moment about what a serious
thing is happening in this land of ours.
You and I know that the elders of every generation always shake
their heads and wonder what is becoming of the younger generation.
Our parents surely did

and not always without reason.

Is that all there is to it now?

Are we just watching the normal

pranks and rebellion of youth coming of age?
Well, that is the easy answer to'give.

It is the comforting answer,

and some Americans may be reassuring themselves tonight by saying it.
But deep down, in the depth of our hearts, you and I know that is
not the answer.

We know something much more fundamental is at work.

Something basic and dangerous is eating away at the morality, dignity, and
respect of our citizens

old as well as young, high as well as low.

And that brings me to the question I want you to ponder tonight along
with me.
My fellow Americans, is this the time in our nation's history for
our Federal Government to ban Almighty God from our school rooms?
For almost nine score years in the life of our country, children
regularly said prayers in the public.schools of States permitting it.
Nobody in authority said it was against the Constitution to open or close
the school day with a prayer that children of all faiths could join in
offering if they wished to.

Nobody said it was unconstitutional for a

child to say grace for his fellow pupils before a meal.
Yet two years ago the Supreme Court struck down this tradition long
honored in practice.

The Justices ruled that it was contrary to the

First Amendment of the Constitution.

And, mind you, the session in which

this ruling was handed down was opened, as all sessions are, by the
bailiff's invocation.
Court.

"God save the United States and this Honorable

11

Millions of Americans have since expressed disapproval of this
Federal banning of worship in public schools.

several proposed Amendments

to the Constitution permitting prayers in schools, have been drafted.
(more)

(3)

I

do not wish to discuss the merits of the various draft Amendments.

My purpose tonight is much broader.

I want instead to examine with you

the basic issue of worship in our public schools.
Ours is both a religious and a free people.

Over years past we have

encountered no difficulty in absorbing that religious character into our
state institutions, while at the same time preserving religious liberty
and separation of church and state.
It was Alexis de Toqueville, that uncanny commentator on American
life, who observed over a century ago:

"Religion in America takes no

direct part in the government of society, but it must nevertheless be
regarded as the foremost of the political

institutions of that country."

This simple truth shines forth in the opening and closing sentences
of our Declaration of Independence.

It shone forth on the very day when

Congress passed the First Amendment to the Constitution.

On that occasion

both Houses called jointly upon the President to proclaim a day of public
thanksgiving and prayer for "the many signal favors of Almighty God.

11

The coin and currency we carry in our pockets are constant reminders
of our nation's trust in God.
subscribe to in court

Our pledge of allegiance, the oaths we

both are testaments to that faith and trust.

"I am opposed,•• President Eisenhower has recently said,

11

to any effort

to eliminate mention of God in governmental institutions and practices •••
our form of Government rests upon a religious faith ••• "
Scores of prominent Americans have signified agreement with these
sentiments.

The National Governors' Conference has twice recorded its

approval of a prayer amendment, both times by overwhelming majorities.
Seven Governors of our States, from both political parties, are members
of the Board of the Constitutional Prayer Foundation.

Six other governors

list themselves as official supporters of this nonsectarian and nonpartisan
organization dedicated to passage and ratification of a prayer amendment.
Other distinguished clergymen, laymen, and governmental officials hold
the same posts.
The legislatures of eight states have supported some form of prayer
amendment.

So have the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars,

the United States Junior Chamber of Commerce, the National Conference of
catholic Youth, and the National Association of Evangelicals.
(more)

(4)

Many Congressmen from both Parties report massive support for a prayer

amendment by their constituents.
In brief, there is clearly a deep and widespread public interest -nonpartisan and nonsectarian in nature -- in rectifying the Supreme Court's
decision through the amendment process.
Congress to put the question to the test.

The time has surely come for
It is time for Congress to

pass an amendment and place it before the various states for ratification.
That is why the Republican Party gave strong endorsement in its 1964
Platform to a "Constitutional Amendment permitting those individuals
and groups who choose to do so to exercise their religion freely in
public places."

The Platform statement provides, of course, for safe-

guards preserving separation of church and state. And it leaves the
decision on whether voluntary prayers are to be permitted in, for example,
public schools up to state and local authorities, not the nine appointed
Justices of the Supreme Court.

This is what our Constitution intended.

Unfortunately, the Platform of the Democratic Party is entirely
silent on the question of a prayer amendment.
in vain for any

In fact, you will search

reference to God or religion in the Democratic Platform.

This is a matter of regret because religion is of concern to all Americans,
no matter what their party label may be.

This is a matter of even greater

regret when we realize that this platform, with its utter disregard of
God, was written to the exact specifications of Lyndon Johnson.
Perhaps the Platform is silent because Hubert Humphrey, the Democratic
Vice-Presidential candidate, is totally opposed to any form of prayer
amendment.

The formal statement of the Americans for Democratic Action,

as presented to the Democratic Platform Committee, reads:
"We oppose all attempts to modify or weaken the First
Amendment, which safeguards the freedom of religious worship
and maintains the separation of church and state .. "
Mr. Humphrey personally endorsed this formal statement with his
signature.
Earlier in the year, Hubert Humphrey put himself on record in even
stronger terms.
he said:

On addressing the American Baptist Convention in May,

"If some people were as interested in good schools as in making
{more}

(5)

God popular

in the school,

I

think this country would be better off."

Did it occur to Mr. Humphrey that the very meeting at which he
uttered these words opened and closed with a prayer?
Did it occur to Mr. Humphrey that every session of the Senate in
which he appears opens with an invocation to the Divine Being?
Is

th
against
a t the
a First Amendment?

I do not agree with Mr. Humphrey.
Democratic Platform.

I do not agree with the

And I don't believe you do either.

I agree -- and I believe you do,too -- with the words of Thomas
Jefferson, inscribed on his Memorial in Washington:
"God who gave us life gave us liberty.

Can the liberties of a

nation be secure when we have removed a conviction that these liberties
are the gift of God."
I agree

and I believe you do, too -- with the first President of

our country.

You recall these words from Washington's Farewell Address:

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism,who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness,
these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens •••• And
let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality
can be maintained without religion."
Let us heed these words.

And let us take warning of the moral crisis

of our time.
My fellow Americans, is this the time in our nation's history for
the Federal Government to ban Almighty God from our school rooms?
I trust not.
A people who believe in freedom, self-restraint, and diligence
must also cultivate humility and reverence.
With your help and with God's blessing, I pledge my every effort to
a reconstruction of reverence and moral strength, those great pillars
of human happiness in our land.
---30---

y
NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

NEWS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE

1625 Eye Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20006

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
October 13, 1964
CONTACT:

James L. McKenna
· News Editor-RNC
(202)
NA 8-6800

INTERVIEW OF SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER , REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT
OF THE U.S. IN PHOENIX, ARIZ., BY RON NESSEN OF NBC, OCT. 13, 1 9 6 4

QUESTION: Senator, how do you evaluate the campaign up to this point?
ANSWER:

Well, first we have to recognize that we started out as a
decided underdog -- there was never any question of that
but I think starting about three weeks ago we have been
that

breaking the ice, and our polls that we saw Sunday

would be yesterday -- show us now over the 40 percent mark
in almost every state, and in some states, of course, we are
ahead, and others we are ranging 45 to 48 percent.

We are

very happy with the progress.
QUESTION: You have three weeks left now until election?
ANSWER:

Yes.

QUESTION: Do you think you are going to make that other 10 percent up?
ANSWER:

Yes, I do.

In every campaign I have ever been in, I have

been the underdog.

I have never been in a campaign where I

led the polls -- even up to election day, so I am used to
this action, and I like it.

I like to be coming up, and we

are coming up now, in my opinion, at the proper pace.
QUESTION: What was it that happened three weeks ago that began the
change ?
(more)

·- 2 -

ANSWER:

Oh,

i t isn't any one thing that happened.

of things.

It is just a

series

I think Republicans who had said they wouldn't

vote for us but, on the other hand, wouldn't vote for Johnson
are realizing that they should vote for us.

We have held our

Democratic strength, so I think actually the strength that we
need will be found in mostly the Republican Party and the
Independent group, and in these groups we are moving, and
that is the way that we are going.
QUESTION: Is there some single issue or group of issues that have won
you voters?
ANSWER:

No,

I can't think of any.· The issues never were -- to put it

another way, the voter never votes for, they usually vote in
opposition.

I honestly feel that Bobby Baker Case is hurting

the President more than anything else.

Every place I go,

the mere mention of the name "Bobby Baker" brings everything
from mild applause to outright boos for the President, which
I don't like to hear, and frankly I don't like to have this
kind of an issue.

I wish that this had been cleared up, and

I wish the President would allow the investigation to go on so
that it could be removed.

It is difficult and distasteful to

me to have a campaign where another's well meaning or honesty
is in question.
QUESTION: What do you think has hurt you most?
ANSWER:

Well, I think the repetition of the outright lie I am trigger
happy has hurt me more than anything.

I believe that is

beginning to clear up, because I believe the American people
realize that the President doesn't declare war -- it is the
Congress -- and I think they are beginning to realize that no
American wants war, that we all want peace, and that my lengthy
experience with military affairs has taught me that.

You will

find the average military man far more peaceful than the
average civilian, frankly.

(more)

-3-

QUESTION: There is a poll that shows you wou1d do far better in some

of the northern cities if it were not for this "trigger-happy" issue.
ANSWER:

I think that the "trigger-happy", the nuclear thing,

"Goldwater

will get us into war", that's been the most damaging thing I
have run into.

But, as I say, I think that is being overcome by

people stopping to think that no man, particularly no American,
is ever going to push that button.

In fact, I personally

feel that we will never engage in a nuclear war, and even if
we get into war I don't think that the Russians or ourselves
would be stupid enough to devastate cities that we couldn't
afford to rebuild.

Actually, if we got into a nuclear type

war, the winner would be the loser.
QUESTION: Are you going to continue to make Bobby Baker the big issue
from now on until the 3rd?
ANSWER:

Well, I am not making this the issue -- it is the issue.
is in the people's mind.

It

Bobby Baker is really a symbol:

what is going on in Washington?

This is the underlying concern

·t hat I find.
QUESTION: Do you feel that some of your positions on issues have
antagonized large groups of voters, that you might be in a better
position
ANSWER:

No, I don't think so.

I don't think the average voter is par-

ticularly concerned about what I would call a nitpicking type
of issue.

In other words, something of a local nature.

The

average American I have run into is concerned about the type
of government, the type of country we are going to have tomorrow,

the next day

and the next years.

about peace in the world.

They are concerned

I have tried many issues out in many

parts of the country, and none bring the unanimous response
that . the future of our country brings.

Even, for example, when

you go into the farm country, as I will tomorrow, and I will
make several farm speeches, the underlying question will not be
what will you do about farming -- what will you do about the
preservation of what we like.
{more)

-4-

QUESTION: Has William Miller, as your running mate, helped or hurt

your campaign?
ANSWER:

Oh, he has been a great help, a tremendous help .
great ability as a speaker .

Bill has

He is very fast on his feet , but

I think people are realizing that he understands our form of
government and appreciates it , and will work for it far harder
than Hubert Humphrey who, with his Americans for Democratic
Action connections, if he believes in these -- and he must ,
because he was a founder -- actually represents a group that
works contrary to most everything that Americans want.
QUESTION : This poll that you got yesterday is the newest nationwide poll?
ANSWER:

Yes .

QUESTION: What are some of the - ANSWER:

Before I came out I tried to get Washington but the line was
busy, to try to get some of the exact figures.
the exact, except to tell you we

I can't get

are up over 40 now in all

states, and that this is a real increase, and that the return
of defected Republicans continues to go at about the same rate
of about six to eight percent return a week .

Again, we don't

know how big a body this is, but we do know that they are
coming home, and that is encouraging .
QUESTION: Do you think there will be some sort of big break before the
election, or will the current trend take you up over 50 percent?
ANSWER:

I think we have had our break, and I think we are now moving
up.

The break would be no one specific thing -- just a com -

bination of things that a campaigner likes to see happen in
a campaign.
QUESTION: How are you holding up?
ANSWER:

Oh, fine.
week,

Oh, you get a little physically tired during the

and you get mentally tired -- that is the thing that

bothers me, because I have been in a lot of campaigns and have
managed campaigns, and a candidate loses his punch when he gets
mentally tired, and that is what I am trying to guard against in
the coming three weeks.
STATEMENT: Thank you, Senator .

- 30 -

NEWS

FROM:

REPUBLICAN

NATIONAL COMMITTEE

1625 Eye Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C.

20006
PMs TUESDAY
October 13 , 1964

EXCERPTS OF CAMPAIGN

SPEECH AT TOPEKA, KAN •. , OCT. 13, 1964

BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE

FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

Because of his full - time politicking, we now have a part- time President .
We have a part- time President when we are faced with full - time and full -sca l e
problems...
On Sunday, while the President visited church after church and city
after city in a political travesty of the Lord's Day, he was able to spare
only ten minutes for a visit with the President of the Philippines .

How,

in ten tragically short minutes, painfully sliced from a Sunday of full time politicking,

could there have been any·meaningful development of the

pressing problems of Southeast Asia?

There couldn't be, of course .

Then, as the part- time President pressed his full - time political campaign
on Monday, we received the shocking news that the Soviet Union has launched
a multiple-passenger space craft into orbit.
At any moment, as the part-time President pursues his full-time
politicking, we can anticipate with dread the news of another crisis in
Vietnam, another

killing at the Berlin Wall, another Communist outrage in

Latin America, a new Communist thrust in Africa , or a new attack by Commu nism' s

American

civilians

soldiers are dying .

British soldiers are dying .

Innocent

threatened around the world.

are

full-time responsiblilities around the world , full - scale
But not once do we hear of them from our part-time President .
gives

us handshakes and handouts.

directs traffic and kisses babies rather than directing our foreign
., .

turns Sunday into a day of campaign chaos and the other days

of the week into days of rest -- so far as our foreign policy is concerned .
The major crises that are .burning while the part- time President burns

(2)

up taxpayer

by the

dollars

these major crises

hundreds of thousands on his campaign trips - -

are ones to which I have directed my attention constant1y

during this

a nd prior to it.

Southeast

Asia,

and the growing threats

from Indonesia,

require full -

scale consultation

between this nation and the free nations of Southeast

Asia -- particularly

Thailand , Malaysia, the pro-western segment of the

Laotian government,

the government of South Vietnam, and the governments

of such concerned,

even if not immediately involved nations as the

Phillipines, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Free China, and Pakistan.
Active interest in the problem by India also would be welcome, if freely
and fully expressed.
This requires
The entry

more than a ten-minute stop-over between street caravans.

of the Soviet Union into such a commanding position in

near-space also requires an urgent and full time consideration by all
concerned branches of the federal government and, of course, the President.
Near space,

the area in which orbital flight takes place, is the key

to the military use of space.

The nation that commands near space, could,

after developing proper weapons and maneuverable space craft, dominate the
earth .
I

area.

have
pleaded

for years for a realistic emphasis on research in this

Instead, this Administration ha s dedicated billions of dollars and

the vi~c~~: entirety of its space efforts, to a moon shot.
The military possibilities of space have been downgraded by this
Administration

as, indeed, has most research into the advanced weapon·

systems which we so urgently need to keep the peace in the face of Soviet
advance

scientifically

and soviet threats politically .

Again, this is a full time and a full-scale problem requiring immediate
attention

We need a major redirection of our space research efforts.

But our part-time President, busy pleasing crowds, has no time to

grim

reality or to ask you to join him in facing it.

If the man who now occupies the White House wants to be more of a full
timePresident

There
debate

between now and Election Day, there is a way.
should be, as most Americans

between the men who are

obviously feel, a nationally televised

asking you -- both for the first time -- to
(more)

for which my party has offered to pay to avoid the

Such a debate,

complications
tions of the equal time law (which incidentally , the man who now
occupies tho White House, didn't want repealed) such a debate could be
held to meet these requirements:

It could be taped, so to avoid the possibility of Mr . Johnson making

a mis take

might

that

jeopardize national sccur i ty.

It could be done at

a time and a place of his choosing, so as to permit him to spend more
time at his desk.

the necessity for a presidential

and avoid

frantic travels,
which I have

The

Such a debate could present a clear choice to the voters
campaign based solely upon

usually to follow up some speech or another of mine in

tried to discuss the very issues which we could tackle man-

man

who now

occupies the White House must make a grave decision

So far he has decided to suspend his leadership and
even to suspend the government in order to permit his full time politicking .
better for the voters,

I

nation and

the

cause

of

freedom in the world

and far, far, better for our
if we· could discuss the .issues

and then get on with the full-time job of preserving
this republic

and preserving the peace of the world .
---30---

NEWS

NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
1625 Eye Street, N. w.
Washington, D. C. 20006
Phone:
(202) NA 8-6800

AUTO.MA.TIC RELEASE
At 7:30 p.m., EDT, TUESDAY
October 13, 1964

CAMPAIGN

SPEECH AT MILWAUKEE ARENA, MILWAUKEE, WISC., OCTOBER 13, 1964

BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF TfIE U.S.

The theme of our campaign is clear:
Peace through strength.
Progress through freedom.
Purpose through Constitutional order.
We don t mean the sleepwalker peace of this Administration.
1

mean reliance

We don't

on unproven theories that the enemy will mellow.

We see the enemy for what it is, not for what we wish it
we know that Communism -- in Cuba, in Berlin,

were.

And

in Vietnam, in the Congo, in

Malaysia . wherever it is at work -- is the only real threat to the peace of
the world today.
Peace is for those who are strong enough to keep it.

If we have the

strength and the will to keep the peace, Communism's wrong idea will be
exposed, its internal contradictions will be exploited, and eventually its
tyranny will be ended.
If we have this strength and will, Khrushchev will never bury us.

And

we will see the day when those enslaved by Communism will live under freedom.
I've been in war.
touched by war

I have sons and daughters whom I do not want

or by slavery!

That's why I want a strong America-(more)

to stop the

war

foreign po l

icy

that

i s

looming on the horizon of this Administration's

deception, and defeat .

Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
Purpos e Through C

onstitutional

Leader

the prese nt Administration say that government is mas ter,

not s ervant of
Whose

Order .

the pe ople.
is t his anyway?

0,...,

It used to belong to the people

•

We say that '. November 3 can be the day you get your cou ntry back !
we p l edge,

and Administration that will re store o u r

fr eedoms.
You

Supreme Court that is encoura ged t

ther tha n interpret

th em and pass on their Constitutionali ty .

do I.
appointed

And neither

-- as th ey may during the n

. ocur

we wan t men

:

to t he Court who will support the Constitution,

not

scoff at it.
You a

an Exe cutive who tries to turn the Congress

rubbe r stamp

a handle where their conscience shou l d be .

'

An

thcr

:

do I!
We want
arr ogance and
We want

lity and honesty of service in the Whi te House --

power.

personal

lights

not

turned

on

in the White House .

Lights

01

honesty

lights of leadership.
We want

the

bri ghtness

of examples that will insp i r e law and order

in this land , not the darkness that encourages crime, violence, and the
.creed of the fast buck .
We want and we pledge an Administration .that will respect and support,
not overlook or undermine, , the local law enforcement needed·to protect
t he l i v es and propert y of our citizens -- to make our streets safe.
want to make it safe to live }2Y. the law .
it sa fe to live outside the law.
{more)

We

Enough has been done to make

-3-

Yes,

the message 0£ our campaign is clear.

It is this:

Stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad.
If there is peace and purpose in our lives, we can move forward along
our proven path of progress through freedom.
Now, I want you to pause with me and think about what that means.
What is freedom?

What is progress?

How does freedom bring progress?

When words are thrown into the arena of politics, their meanings
often become confused .
11

freedom

And that is just what has happened to the word

11
•

The confusion began more than two decades ago when you were told that
your government has the power to give you freedom -- to give you such
things as freedom from want and freedom from fear.

More recently, you

have been told that government can make you free from poverty and free
from insecurity.

Those who seek national office are now e en beginning

to promise you freedom from worry and responsibility.
Of course, nobody wants to be poor or worried or frightened or in secure.

But do you really believe that government can make you rich and

happy and confident and secure?

Is that what you think freedom is, some-

thing somebody in the White House can give you if he feels like it?
Do you really believe there is somebody so wise and prudent and powerful that he can -- or will -- give you those things if you just put him
in the White House?

Do you really believe him when he tells you how smart

and big-hearted he is?
Of course you don't.
You and I know that all these things are the very opposite of what
the founders and builders of this nation meant by freedom.

,You and I

\

know that the Declaration of Independence was written by men who had their

bellies full of oppressive government.

And the framers of the Constitu-

tion were determined that we should never again have a government distant
and arbitrary.
(more)

To them the meaning of freedom was clear.

It meant

freedom from

government.
They wanted citizens to be free to live their own lives, make their
own decisions -- yes, make their own mistakes and bear the responsibility
for them.

They believed in the people.

They believed that the individual

citizen was competent to look after his own affairs.

They believed in

the self-reliance, enterprise, and initiative of the individual and family.
They knew that progress would come from -- indeed meant nothing more than
fulfillment of the whole man in a society of liberty and opportunity.
These men -- these founders and builders of our mighty republic -were no idle dreamers.

They were hard-headed and practical men.

were men of vast wisdom.

And they

They knew that liberty without order would be-

come the license of the mob and the jungle.

There must be governme nt Lo

maintain law and order, to protect person and property, to enforce private
contracts, to encourage freer and more effective markets at home and
abroad, and to provide monetary stability.
And, yes, they knew government must stand ready to aid the helpless
and support those in need.
These wise men wanted a government of compassion, leadership, and
restraint.

To preserve freedom, government must, they knew, be both

limited and dispersed.

It must be as.close to the people as possible

Only

in this way can government be kept as responsible to the people as possible.
Only in this way can government be kept from becoming so arbitrary and
so strong that it threatens freedom.

Only in this way can there be va-

_riety, creative diversity, and experimentation in policies -- healthy
competition between units of government.
This was their great yision.

For many years it guided.our way.

But over the last three decades, government has increasingly become master, not servant.

Increasingly, power has been gravitating to the White

House, away from our towns, counties, cities, and states.
government has been engulfing our precious resources.
(more)

Increasingly,

-sIf I

said to you that the central government will tell you what crops

to grow and not to grow, and will fly helicopters over your land to check
up on you
If I told you the central government will make decisions about your
local schools and whether or not your children shall pray in them
If I said to you that the central government will make vital deci sions about your children when they are young and your parents when they
are old
If I said to you that the central government will tell you how much
to pay those you hire and how much to charge for what you sell -If I told you all these things, what country would you think I was
talking about ?

What is h:appening to us, anyway?
Are we determined to rush headlong into the swampland of centralized
collectivism?

Do we really want the socialist state that Hubert Horatio

Humphrey and his Americans for Democratic Action offer to us?
I say, no.

And I think you do, too.

You and I know that this nation of ours has grown great and strong
and prosperous through its free economy.
Private property, free competition,

hard work -- these have powered

the engine of progress .
Our system has preserved and protected our freedom, our right to
disagree, our creative diversity, our independence from arbitrary intervention in private affairs.
And it has been a mighty engine of progress.

It has enabled the

people of this country to rise from a small but independent

citizenry

scratching out a hard living on the margins of a great continent, to a
multitude spanning the continent and living at a level that is the envy
of the world.
(more)

-6-

Progress through freedom has been our heritage .

It must r emain

our guide and our goal.
And you and I know that the immediate task before us is to cut the
federal government down to size.

We must -- and.we can -- stop the reck -

less growth in federal spending .

We must take Lyndon's credit card away

from him and · keep it out of the grasp of Hubert Horatio .

We must use the

growth of the economy to provide relief to our citizens from oppressive
federal taxes.

Your increased earnings should belong to you, and be avail -

able for your own use and for financing activities best handled at the
state and local level.
You will also agree that we must get the federal bureaucracy out of
the business of running your local affairs through the more than a hundred
grant - in-aid programs now in effect.

These grants-with-strings, pulled

in the White House, must be replaced by grants-without - strings.

These

would give each state resources needed for use within the state, free
of control by the federal bureaucracy.
And when we do these things, the President and Congress will be able
to attend to their critical job of looking after foreign relations, na tional security, and the general welfare.
We must above all make sure that.our educational system is kept
free from control exercized in Washington.

Education should, of course,

be encouraged and promoted, but it should also be kept under the control
of local governments or private organizations.

Both goals can be met with

.a system of federal tax credits to parents who bear the costs of education.
While attending to our liberties at home, we must also reclaim our
proud heritage as the land of promise for the. oppressed and ·enslaved throughout the world.

Let our Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and

our living example inspire the downtrodden everywhere!
(more)

-7-

And more than that,

let us display through deeds -- and not through

empty slogans -- our compassion for the victims of tyranny.

Let us re-

solve never again to slam the door on that last hope of the oppressed -the freedom to leave the country of oppression._
Let us resolve never to permit the shame of another Berlin Wall.
And let us welcome to our shores those victims of Soviet enslavement
fortunate enough to escape from the Captive Nations.

Let us once again

be the warm haven of those seeking freedom and equal opportunity.
Let us make it crystal clear to Communist tyrants that we shall never
be satisfied with anything short of restoration of freedom and independence
to Captive Nations.

What Communist tyrants have stolen from peoples around

the globe -- in violation of solemn agreements -- they must restore to
those peoples.
This we must declare, for all to hear, if we are to keep faith with
our heritage of freedom and honor.
These are the guideposts that mark the way to progress through freedom.
You may choose this way, or you may choose the other one open to you.
The other is the way of the man who would be the Great Leader of
his own "Great Society."
troubles to me.

He opens up his arms and says,

"Bring your

I will take care of them for you."

You want more money for the potatoes you didn't grow?

He promises

he'll give it to you.
You want no responsibilities?

He promises he'll do everything for

you.
You want no worries?
Relax and don't worry.

He promises he'll worry for you.
The Great Leader and his curious crew will

do for you all those things you find unpleasant to do for yourselves.

And

all he asks is that you give him more and more power over your lives -more and more without end.
(more)

-8Never mind the wise statesman who once warned us:

and absolute power corrupts absolutely."
was meant for another age.

"Power corrupts,

That's old-fashioned.

That

This is the modern world, a world that you

and you -- and you -- are too weak or too dumb to. cope with.

It's a

Great Leader you need -- a leader who is more clever than you are, and
stronger by far .

Put all the power in his hands, and he will give you

"true" freedom -- which the old-fashioned call slavery.

And then you

won't need to be concerned about your oppressed brethren elsewhere in
the world.
Is this all

a fantastic nightmare?

You have a choice to make.
I have faith in you.

Think about it a minute.

Which way will you choose?

I know which way you will choose.

And with

your help and with God's blessing, I will bring the country back to the
proven path of progress through freedom.
socialism at home and Communism abroad.
-30-

We will stop the spread of

FROM:

REPUBLICAN

-

NATIONAL

COMMITTEE

1625 Eye Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20006
Phone:
(202) NA 8-6800

FOR RELEASE
PM I s

THURSDA y

October 15, 1964

NOTES FOR TALK BY GEN. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER

AT VETERANS MEMORIAL, COLUMBUS, OHIO, 12 NOON, OCTOBER 15,

1964

(Subject To Revision Before Delivery)

Yesterday was my 74th birthday.
And on this, the first day of my 75th year, I am making a political
speech!
Twenty years ago, today, the possibility of such an appearance for
such a purpose could never have entered my head.
On that note, permit me a minute of reminiscence.
Twenty years ago, on October 15, 1944, I was

spending the evening

at First Army Headquarter s near Liege and the German frontier.
A few miles ahead of us Hitler's Panzers and infantry and artillery
fought, attempting to hold Aachen against our assault.
Behinu us stretched liberated France and Belgium, the U-boat-haunted
voyages o ·er the Atlantic, the painful .marches across North Africa, into
Sicily, up Italy, out of Normandy.
The only subject of conversation that night, I am sure, was the
immediate job

in front of us; and thereafter;

The crossing of the Rhine.
The encirclement of the enemy armies •
.

iinal and complete victory

over Hitler.

Had anyone, however, raised the question:
twenty

"What will we all be doing

years from now?"
Ins
stant response would have been:

rocking

chair
.....

"If alive, I shall be in a

on a sunny porch or in front of a w=.rm fireplace.

11

I would have been a poor prophet of my own future; as poor as some
pollsters have been at times about election results.

-2-

But I

am happy that I

am making a political

spe ech here today, ask -

ing that Ohi o vote Republican , all the way , in every cont es t on the ballot.
This mission I prefer to rocking chair confi nement anywhere , f or thr ee
reasons.
First, because of my dedication to the American two-party system .
Within that system, I believe the Republican Party - - in its philosophy
and practice -- works most effectively toward Government by and for the
people.
Second, I prefer this platform to a rocking chair because of the
two men who are your state-wide candidates, Bob Taft and Ollie Bolton .
These two men, on their record as public servants and private citi zens, reflect Republican commitment to common - sense in Government .
They won't be stampeded by hare-brain schemes and magic solutions
to hard problems.
They reflect Republican commitment to integrity in Government.
They won't sell out principle because of a twisted arm or a cloak room deal.
They reflect Republican commitment in Government dedicated to a se cure and productive future.
They won't sacrifice the enduring public good for the transitory
applause of a pressure bloc .
Third, I'd rather be here than in a rocking chair because -- as a
Republican - - it's good to visit a truly Republican state .
Ohio went Republican in 1952 .
Ohio went Republican in 1956.
Ohio -- to the shocked amazement of our opponents -- went Republican
in 1960.
I urge that you again give them the shock treatment in 1964 .
will
a

paddling

do them good to learn that they don ' t have the country in
so long as Ohio continues immune to the techniques of promise -

and panic-mongering .
(more)

And i t will do the nation great good to learn that Ohio has once

again voted for a Republican President -- for Barry Go1dwater.

That Ohio has returned to the Congress -- including your

own Sam

Devine -- an overwhelmingly Republican delegation.
(Parenthetically, I would make one suggestion.
tween now and Election Day, should any of you

This is it.

Be-

encounter a poll-taker,

please speak out your convictions loud and clear.

I, although an in-

corrigible optimist, don't like this business of being wiped out of existence before a single ballot is counted.

Nor do you, I am sure.)

Beyond the three personal reasons I. have given you why I prefer
this place to a quiet rocking chair, there is another.
Liege in Belgium on October 15, 1944, and Columbus in Ohio on October
15, 1964, are directly and inescapably connected.
Then, America fought with arms to regain for ourselves a lost security;
to restore for our allies a lost independence; to vindicate in battle our
right to freedom from every tyranny.
And we won, although at the time of our entry into war the extent
of Nazi success, his control of land and sea, and the physical odds of
almost every statistic were against us.
Now, twenty years later, Republicans fight with ballots so to arrange
our public affairs and so to man our government that we may, in perseverance, devote ourselves to the grand purposes of the Republic.
Let me name three of them.

These three to my mind tower in importance

high above the multitudinous and fragmentary objectives so constantly
announced -- and so often conveniently forgotten -- by our opponents.
They are:
First -- We Americans, at home, seek to be secure against a massive
onslaught which could destroy us in an hour of terror.

To this end, we

demand careful and wise use of our national resources -- fiscal, natural,
human -- so that we may not be guilty of irresolute excursions in extravagant spending, in aimless fighting, in improvised substitutes for sound
policy.
(more)

Second - - Abroad we want to advance and strengthen our global partner-

ships, purposefully with our friends mustering our resources, pooling our

talents, making our plans in amity and confidence.
Third -- We believe that, in all places, at all times, the Republic
of the United States, armed in strength -- econom4.c and military and
moral strength -- should demonstrate the ideals, the virtues -- and the
rewards -- of a free society.
Given a reasonable security and inspired leadership at home, with
community, state and Federal governments performing well their respective
duties; given a restoration of genuine partnership and mutual understanding abroad, we shall more surely go about the business of amplifying and
extending the American Dream:
In the field of human rights.
In the field of human welfare.
In the field of human dignity.
Beyond all legalisms and partisan panaceas, we insist that the rights
and welfare and dignity of our citizens are best assured by:
colleges and universities; hospitals and care for the

Schools and

ailing; highways

for safety and speed; urban transport unclogged by jam and bottle-neck;
safe streets for our use; attractive houses for comfortable and decent
living; museums for our heritage and laboratories for our future; parks
and forest, clean streams and clear lakes for our play; churches and
synagogues and temples for our worship.
More, much more, of these we should have quickly.

Not enough of

.them will we ever have until such national affairs become once again the
concern of all citizens; with government at all levels cooperating in
common-sense and imaginative guidance.
All this will never come to be in an administration that seems preoccupied more with bold headlines and roaring crowds than with the solidity
of our national position.
Look, for a moment at the harsh problems
on which we are now spending more than
year.
(more)

fifty

of our national security -thousand million dollars a

,____,.,

-s-

Too many in authority seem to be depending for

security and world

stability on the whir and lightning answer of computers.

Even under the best management, the search for absolute• and unilateral
armed security -- the most costly and most sterile misuse of a nation's
resources -- can eventually end only in national bankruptcy or the establishment of a garrison state.
Therein lies one weighty reason why in this campaign we Republicans
strive so to arrange our public affairs -- and so to man our government
that the nation's business will be effeciently managed in a climate of
vision and common-sense.

We mistrust those who, seeking more authority,

use each national problem as a fifth ace in a game of partisan politics.
This is why we want Ohio Republicans in the House of Representatives
and Bob Taft in the United States Senate.
One final point:

Possibly we Republicans are too slow or too quiet

in labeling for what it is the propaganda of those who want no part of
a Republican Administration.
Back in 1960, for instance, the ears of the country were deafened
in the clamor about the dire state of our security, the fallen state of
our world leadership, the tragic state of our people.
We heard endlessly about the missile gap, our shredded prestige
abroad, the millions going to bed overy night desperately hungry.
To panic the voter was the purpose.
My Administration

as President was the target, of course.

And I was

a little reluctant to use the one word that completely described the
chargess of 1960 :
Tommy Rot!
In 1964, the same type charge is still being levied -- changing the
present to the future tense.
Now we are to.1.d:
A Republican
a Re pu blica

n

Administration will abuse and misuse the missiles that

Administration developed ..
(more)

We

are

told:

-

A Republican Administration will arouse deadiy fear and even enmity

within the international partnerships a Republican Administration strengthened.
We are told:

A Republican Administration will pauperize millions, taking from them
the security a Republican Administration gave them.
For these charges -- and all like them in 1964 -- there is only one
accurate label:
Tommy Rot!
Let us so brand such charges whenever we encounter them; and then
vigorously present our own case and the merits of our candidates.
Let us speak out clearly on what we oppose -- and on what we propose.
For example:

We will always oppose, save in emergency, increase in

the public debt.
Why?

For a reason as sound as it is simple.

Because we do not want to live on governmental credit-card spending,
with the bills to be paid in the sacrifices of our grandchildren.
Again:

We will always oppose the concentration of power in the

Washington bureaucracy, just as in an earlier day we Republicans took
the lead in opposing economic monopoly.
Why?

Again for a reason as sound as it is simple.

Too much power corrupts even the best of men.

And we already have had

c(51'-ruption enough in men not so good.
In short, we will oppose all schemes and contrivances that weaken
the individual:
In his self-respect.
In his sense of responsibility.
In his pride of American citizenship.
In his ability to earn for himself and his family a decent living
in a .·ell-paying job •
Why
?

rights,

Because the good of the individual -- protected in all his
in :.is use of responsible freedom, in his God-given dignity --

is the proper purpose of Government.
(more)

Therefore:

We Republican stand four-square for a11 common-sense programs that

increase £or every citizen his opportunity to live in a climate of free dom and progress; enabling him more surely to pursue happiness in all
honorable ways he may choose.
To that end:
We Republicans initiated the first medicare programs.
We spread social security coverage, giving more than ten million
individuals -- never before protected -- the security benefits that
were their due.
We successfully fought for a sound currency so that older citizens -living on pensions, savings and insurance policies -- might have dollars
to spend that would not become dollarettes through inflation.
And we won't change our ways.
We Republicans are pledged to sound and progressive government, searching out modern solutions for modern problems.
We Republicans believe, with Lincoln, that the individual is the
most important factor in free government.
His welfare is our concern.
Therein is the source

In his strength is our security.

His advancement is our ambition.
of our visions of human progress -- visions

that inspire us to live, work and vote Republican .
May every success crown your efforts in Ohio; the efforts of all
Republicans throughout the nation.
-30-

NEWS

FROM:

N EWS

N E WS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
1625 Eye Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C.

20006

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
AT 8:30 P.M. EDT, THURSDAY
October 15, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT THE COLT STADIUM, HOUSTON, TEXAS, OCTOBER 15, 1964
BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

The theme of our campaign is clear:
Peace through strength.
Progress through freedom.
Purpose through Constitutional order.

If we have the strength and will, we will have peace, and Khrushchev
will never bury us.

we will instead see the day when those enslaved

by Communism will live under freedom.
We also want strength at home, in our economy, and we want it
through freedom.

Our free enterprise system has brought us the greatest

riches of any people on earth.
bureaucratic shackles off.

It can continue to do it if we take the

It can do it if we place our main reliance

on individuals, on hard work, on creativity, investment, and incentive.
This Administration talks of a phony war on poverty
made a truce with unemployment.

but it has

This nation's unemployment rate is now

higher than the average under the Eisenhower Administration .

The present

Administration chooses the path of expanded Federal programs and jobs -and you pay the bills for both.
We choose the way of real jobs and real wages in private enterprise!
Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
Purpose Through Constitutional Order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is master,
not servant of the people.
Whose government is this, anyway?

It used to belong to the people.

We say that November 3 can be the day you get your country back!
You want, and we pledge, an Administration that will restore
balance to our government -- to protect and restore our freedoms.
(more)

( 2)

You don't want a

Supreme Court that is encouraged to enact iaws,

rather than interpret them and pass .on their constitutionaiity .
neither do I.

And

When vacancies occur -- as they may during the next

we want men appointed to the Court who will support

Administration

the Constitution, not scoff at it!
We want and we pledge an Administration that will respect and
support, not overlook or undermine, the local law enforcement needed to
protect the lives and property of our citizens -- to make our streets
safe.

we want to make it safe to live

by

the law.

Enough has been

done to make it safe to live outside the law.
Yes, the message of our campaign is clear.

It is this:

Stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad.
We are in the midst of a campaign for the Presidency of the
United States,. but you would never know it from listening to my opponent
and his curious crew.

They talk about everything under the sun but

the President's job.
And for good reason.

The record shows that the interim President

doesn't understand the President's job.
To Lyndon Johnson, running a country means twisting arms and banging
heads together.

It means buying and bludgeoning votes.

It means getting

a TV monopoly in his home state and building a private fortune.

It

means surrounding himself with companions like Bobby Baker, Billie Sol
Estes, and Matt Mccloskey.

It means turning people into numbers and

manipulating them with computers in the White House.

It means craving

and grasping for power -- more and more and more, without end.
And what about his curious running mate, Hubert Horatio Humphrey,
this ADA radical of the left?
away from the Presidency?
of collectivism?

Why does he want so badly to be a

heart-

To drag our nation into the swampland

To bring Red China into the United Nations?

To take

hundreds of billions of dollars from your pockets to spend on silly
socialistic schemes?
Look closely, my fellow Americans, at this curious crew who would
run your country.
curious camp!

My opponent calls them the camp of unity.

What a

Here you find the unity of bosses -- bosses of big cities,
(more)

bosses

of

corrupt,

big

unions,

and

the power mad,

bosses

and

of

big

business.

the radicals of the

Here

you f i nd t h e

left.

This is the curious crew who promise the people,

use the people,

·

deceive the people.
Are these to be entrusted with the great power of the Presidency?
Are these to be entrusted with the direction of our foreign policy and
with the leadership of this nation among all nations of the world?
That, my fellow Americans, is the President's job .

The President

is the man responsible for the state of our affairs throughout the world .
And I charge that they are in shambles,

from one end of the world

to the other -- and you know it.

I charge that this Administration has declared a moratorium

on gov -

ernment until the election is over -- and you know it.

I charge that this Administration has a Soft Deal for Communism
and you know it.

I charge that this Administration has a foreign policy of drift,
deception, and defeat.

And you know that, too .

Drift, deception, defeat - - these are the watchwords of my opponent
and his curious crew.
They let us drift into the missile crisis in Cuba .

And then they

deceive the American public and the free world about what is happening .
They label as irresponsible those who kept warning that the Soviets

were bringing troops and missiles into Cuba.
to fear from good old Nikita.

They say we have nothing

They say he doesn't really want to bury us .

And the cause of peace suffers defeat.
They let us drift into a Berlin crisis .

And then they deceive the

free world and the American public into believing we have no r ight or
power to keep the East from literally walling itself o ff from the West .
They deprive victims of Communism of the last freedom l e ft to them -the freedom to leave

Communist enslavement.

And the cause of peace suffers defeat.
They drift into crises in the Congo, in Laos , in Malaysia .
time they deceive the American public and the free world .
are labeled as enemies -- and then betrayed.
as friends -- and then supported.

(more)

And each

Our friends

Our enemies are labeled

(4)

And

the

cause

of peace

suffers

defeat.

They drift into Lyndon Johnson's War in Vietnam.

and deceive and deceive.
public and the free world.

And then they deceive

They have never stopped deceiving the American
American sons and grandsons are being killed

by Communist bullets and Communist bombs.

And we have yet to hear a word

of truth about why they are dying.
And the cause of peace suffers a shattering defeat.
Drift, deception, defeat -- these are the watchwords of Lyndon Baines
Johnson and his curious crew.
In Laos, in Vietnam, in Malaysia, and in the Congo -- in all these
places and more we hear the echo of gun.fire.
Ninety miles from our shore sits a bearded, ranting, red dictator.
He sits and runs a firmly entrenched base of Communist subversion, guarded
by Nikita's soldiers and Nikita's missiles.

And they say this is Nikita

the good, the friendly, the reasonable.
We are drifting into catastrophe as surely as the sun sets in the
west.

And they say,

11

let us continue".

To help us drift along, the interim President has declared a
moratorium on government.

He desperately hopes to keep out of trouble

if he just does nothing until the election is over.

He hopes to put off

crises and disasters until then, when the votes are in.
Can you imagine, my fellow Americans, what it would be like to have
four more years of drift, deception, and defeat?

To have four more years

of a Soft Deal for Communism?
My opponent has not told you what he plans to do about the Cold War.
He seems to be afraid to speak.
Far from it.

But his curious crew has not been silent.

They have said every wild and crazy thing imaginable.

Listen to the statement of policies of the Americans for Democratic
Action.

This is the organ of the radical left that Hubert Horatio

Humphrey helped to found and served until last month as Vice-Chairman.
The ADA "urges immediate initiation ••• of negotiations toward
diplomatic recognition of the Peiping regime and its accreditation to the
UN as the government of China."
(more)

The ADA says

"our government's eventual. aim shoul.d be resumption

of normal relations with the Cuban government,

including renegotiation

with regard to the Guantanamo Naval.Base."

The ADA favors for Southeast Asia "a neutral buffer zone, which
the present Administration has accepted with respect to Laos . "

It

applauds the Administration's policy of forcing our allies in Laos to
accept Communists in their government.

It describes the struggle against

Communist aggression in Vietnam as a "civil war

(that) is in the main

the result of decay of the totalitarian Diem regime."
Does Lyndon Baines Johnson agree with these shocking views?
If not, will he please explain to the American public and to the free
world why he wants the most prominent left-wing ADA radical in this
country to be a heartbeat away from the Presidency?
We must put an end to drift, to deception, and to defeat.

We must

end, once and for · all, the Soft Deal for Communism.
We have had four years of drift in Washington, and the result is
Lyndon Johnson's War.
weakness.

Lyndon Baines Johnson has sowed the wind of

He has reaped the whirlwind of war.

We have had four years of deception in Washington,
is shattered prestige.

and the result

Even the Central Intelligence Agency shouts that

our prestige has dipped below the peril point.
Are you proud of our fight for freedom?
Are you proud of the burned effigy in Greece?

Are you proud of Panama?
Are you proud when no

country is too small to pull Uncle Sam's whiskers and get away with it?
Are you proud of wheat deals with the destroyers of liberty?
Do you remember that wheat deal?

Do you remember how desperate

the economic situation was in the Soviet Union and throughout the Communist
world?

And do you remember how we bailed them out -- with nothing in

return for ourselves?
We gave them a discount on the price of wheat that was 24 per
cent larger than we have ever given to any member of the free world.
American taxpayers paid forty-two million dollars in subsidies to make
this wheat available to the Communists.

They contributed almost two

million dollars just for wheat to East Germans, while those Communists
(more)

(6)

were shooting down six American Airmen,

killing three of them .

And

they didn't even apologize for that.

For the only time except World War II , the American governme n t
guaranteed credit to Communist countries for the purchase of thi s wheat .
Our terms of credit were better than those of other countries selling
wheat to the Communists.
And just imagine - - this Administration complains when our allies
trade with the Cubans!
The infamous wheat deal was said to be

11

in the national interest."

It was thus certified in a letter from the White House signed by our
interim President.
I have a photocopy of that incredible letter in my hand .

Let me

read from it:
" ... this is to inform you that I have determined that it is
in the national interest for the Export-Import Bank to issue
guarantees in connection with the sale of United States
agricultural products to the Union of Soviet Socialist Re publics, Bulgaria, Czechslovakia, Hungary, Poland, and Rumania . "
By what wild stretch of the imagination can it be in our national
interest to sell wheat to the Communists at bargain prices, on cut- rate
credit, at the very time when they are in serious trouble?
Cast out this dangerous policy of.drift, deception, and defeat
before it is too late .
confident and strong .

Cast out this Soft Deal for Communism .
Be proud again.

The challenge of the hour is great.
precious to be entrusted to men who
a backbone.

Be

The cause of peace is too

have a wishbone where they need

It will not be served by those who practice drift,

deception and defeat.
Let us look and thrill to the advance of a great Atlantic
civilization,

joined by its ocean highway to the United States .

What

a destiny can be ours -- to stand as a great central pillar linking
Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples of the
Pacific.
Let us look to the day when America extends its hand in help, in
teaching, and in cultivation so that all new nations will be encouraged

(7)

to go freedom's way.

Let us sweep away the d r i f t ,

deception,

and defeat

that make these new nations wander down the dark alleys of collectivism.

With your help and God's blessing, Bill Miller and I will lead this

nation forward again along the proven path charted by the wisdom of
our history.

We will end drift, deception,

and defeat.

We will bring

purpose, integrity, and victory to the cause of peace and freedom
everywhere.
---30---

NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

NEWS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE

1625 Eye Street,

Washington,

D.C.

N .W.

20006

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
PMS FRIDAY
October 16, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPE ECH AT JOE FOSS FIELD, SIOUX FALLS, S.D., OCTOBER 16, 1964

BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

The time has come for straight and honest talk to the farmers of
this nation.

And that is just what I'm going to give you today.

talk to you this way because you and I are true conservatives.
stand each other.

I can
we under -

We speak the same language, and we re concerned with
1

the same problems.
We b elieve in the individual.

We believe in the family.

We believe

that sel f -reliance, private initiative, reverence, and diligence are the
keys to a full and prosperous life.

We believe that every citizen should

run his own life and attend to his own business.

we believe every one

should give humble thanks for the many blessings of Almighty God, including
our priceless constitutional heritage.
We believe in an orderly life in an orderly society, a society whose
basic nature changes only gradually and only when the people who make i t
up are absolutely convinced that there must be such a change if progress
is to be made.

That is why we oppose sudden and arbitrary revisions in

our constitutional government by order of appointed justices of the
Supreme Court.

We do not approve of their order banning God in our schools.

We do not approve of their order telling us how to form our legislatures
and apportion our districts.
We are more concerned with the direction in which we are going than
the speed with which we get there.

We know that undue haste makes trouble

and waste, and seldom gets us where we set out to go.
lesson of the tortoise and the hare.
(more)

We have learned the

Now
Now,

i t is

if

this:

there

is

one

thing

you

and

I

know as we11 as

our

names,

our nation is going in the wrong direction and far too fast.

we are headed straight down the road to socialism -- and you know i t .

We must change that direction -- and you know that too.
In fact, nobody knows this better than you do.

In some instances

you are now being told what crops to grow and not to grow, what acres to

plant and not to plant, what records to keep and not to keep.

And

bureaucrats are flying helicopters over your land to check up on you.
I know you will agree with me and with the Republican Party when we
insist that farmers must be freed from the menacing control over their lives
that is now being exercised by farm boss Freeman and his crew in Washington.
And they must be freed from the cost-price squeeze being imposed on them.
You and I and all good Americans -- we all want a free and prosperous
American agriculture, with a minimum of federal controls and intervention.
That is the dire·.ction in which we must move -- forward, toward freedom
and progress.
Do you really want to keep g·oing backward with my opponent and his
curious crew?

Do you want to keep going backward into enslavement and

decline?
Of course not, and that is why you will join me in turning this
country back around, away from retreat and defeat, so that we may move
forward again in progress through freedom.
But let me make myself absolutely clear.

I know, as you do, that the

mistakes of the past cannot be corrected overnight.

And I will never try

to correct them overnight.
We must honor commitments already made by the federal government.
We must keep faith with those who have made plans and acquired
property on the basis of those commitments.

We must have the good sense

to move slowly in making changes so that the citizens of this nation -and indeed, the economy itself -- can make smooth adjustments, adjustments
that will cause nobody harm.

Above all, we must not scrap existing programs

until we are sure we have something better to substitute for them.
(more)

(3)

That is,

And I

am a

after a l l ,

nothing more than the creed of the conservative.

tr
conservative,
ue c

not a make-believe one.

I

am a conservative

wherever and whenever I speak -- whether in the midwest or the east, whether
before election or after.

I do not carry around fifty different speeches

for the fifty different states.
My opponent has recently traveled through these parts , giving to
you his midwestern, before-election message.
of the twisted things he said about me.

You may have heard some

Perhaps he has been so busy

counting his acres and sweeping scandal under the rug that he hasn't had
time to get the record straight .
He said that I will put an immediate end to farm price support.

This

is not true, and he knows it .
He said that I want to kill the electrification program.

This is

not true, and he knows it.
He said that I want to destroy the social security system.

This is

not true, and he knows it.
He said that I will cut farm income in half.

This is not true, and

he knows it.
Let me set the record straight once and for all, so that no one may
distort it again.
I pledge to you, as I have pledged before, that I will never propose
a c h ange in the price support program until something better has been
develope d that can be gradually substituted for it.
I pledge, as I have pledged before, my whole-hearted support for
cooperatives owned and operated by farmers, including rural electric
and telephone facilities.

I stand firmly with the Republican platform in

this pledge because I believe in a strong and healthy rural electrification
program.
I pledge, as I have pledged before, my unqualified support of the
social security system.

On this, my recond is clear.

I have voted in

favor of every Social Security Act since entering the Senate.
the acts of 1954, 1955, 1956, 1958, and 1961.

I voted for

In fact, I had the opportunity

of presiding over the United States Senate on the day the bill was approved
bringing farmers under Social Security for the first time.
change had my active support.

And that

(4)

I

s upport ed

Medicare scheme.

every section of

the

I t was my opponent,

1964 Senate

B i l l except

the interim President ,

the

phony

who denied you

the increased benefits contained in the bill by killing the entire bill in

conference -- simply because Congress would not approve of his phony o v erburdening Medicare scheme.

So much for the slanders of my opponent.
Now, I

am not like my opponent or his running mate .

to be a farmer,

successful or otherwise.

don't claim

I

And I don't approach every

problem with an open mouth.
Let's not fool ourselves about this.

Let's be honest.

There just

are no simple solutions to the mess that has been created by growing
controls in agriculture.

We must seek the best ways open to us to bridge

the gap between the controlled agriculture we now have and the free
agriculture we must move toward.

I will buiid that bridge with the aid of people who really know
agriculture.

My secretary of Agriculture will be a man with experience in

farming, a man who knows what it's like to plow a furrow and to have dirt
on his hands.

He will not be a defunct governor,

trained as a city

lawyer and looking for a political handout.
And my secretary and I will seek out the advice of farmers and farm
organizations across the country, to find ways to make a sound and
healthy transition away from controls in each particular sector hampered
by them.

We will be guided by one goal·and one goal alone:

To ease

away controls while keeping full faith with the farmer .

I will never jerk the rug from u nder the American farmer .
Now, my opponent is not bothered by any of this .

He thinks he knows

so much about farming that he can get away with having a farm boss
who doesn't know anything about it.

But just how much does
he know about

farming?
He seems to think the way to handle the farm problem is to hire a
bureaucrat for every farm, cook up a different scheme for every crop,
and make a different promise to every farmer.
Do you remember back four years ago when this Administration promised
you 100 per c ont of par ity?
level of

7

And

whatt have

the l

points below the average
)·
I

, •

-

.

(S)

in the Eisenhower Administration.

Unkept promises are cheap - - and even

cheaper by the dozen.

What else have you been blessed with under this Administration?
Well, they dumped feed grains on your markets, forced down l ive stock
prices, and then refused to do anything about a floop o f meat dumped by
foreigners.

They manipulated your production and markets but did nothing

to control imports.

In fact, meat imports since 1960 under this Admini s-

tration have more than doubled.

As if this were not enough, they next

tried to push through a program to subsidize grazing!
Does this make any sense to you?
Since July 1, the Freeman price-wreck.ing crew has engaged in a
massive wheat dumping program.

More than 136 million bushels of

government-owned wheat have been sold to the private grain trade in direct
competition with farmer marketings.
The purpose, · obviously, is to hammer down the price of wheat and thus
punish the nearly two-thirds of the nation s wheat growers who refused
1

to sign up for farm boss Freeman•s 1964 program.

The cooperator is

also getting hurt, since he receives only the free market price for a
considerable portion of his production.

There is no parity of treatment

for the farmer when the U. S. Department of Agriculture itself becomes
his competitor in the market place.
While the farm population dropped by more than two million persons
and the number of farms by more than 400 thousand, new bureaucrats were
added to the Department of Agriculture by the thousands .

Did you know

that, over the last four years, spending by that department ha s risen by
600 million dollars a year? Where has the money gone? Certainly not into
your pockets.

Much of it has gone into the pockets of more and more

bureaucrats hired to control your farms and oversee you .
Are my opponent and his curious crew the kind of people you call
your friends?
You know full well where they stand , and you know where I stand .
am the friend of all diligent Americans who want nothing more than an
equal break and a fair shake -- who want parity of treatment .

(more)

I

(6)

And my Administration w i l l dedicate

prosperous American agriculture.

itself

to promoting

a

free

and

we will do this by encouraging research

to create new industria1 uses for farm products .

We wi11 do this by

encouraging the expansion of markets throughout the free world .

And

we will do this by freeing farmers from the arbitrary controls of bureaucrats .
Make no mistake about it.

The farm programs conceived a generation

ago and made hopelessly oppressive by this Administration -- these programs
have not worked.

You know that full well.

Some farmers operating under

the support program earn less, relative to invested capital and production
costs, than other farmers.

Our farm programs will provide equality of

opportunity for all farmers.
As our economy grows, the farmer's economy of this country must
grow with it .

That hasn't been happening and you know it .

After this

election I promise that together we will make it grow.
Those skyscraper bureaucrats have figured out how to support everything but your families - - and how to control everything except their own
lust for power.

That lust reaches beyond your farms to life itself .

And so far the only control that's been successful is their control over
your ability to get a fair return on your life's labor.
You and I know that a farmer can be helped without treating him like
an idiot

without taking him by the hand and telling him what to buy

and what to pay and when to come in out of the rain.
You and I know that a federal government that really cares about
the farmers would be honest enough to stop trying to patch up a worn-out
program -- honest enough to look you straight in the eye and say it isn't
working.
Yes, my friends, you and I know that the very best reason for rejecting
the radical socialistic schemes of my opponent and his curious crew is just
that.

The best reason is not that they're radical, not even that they're

socialistic.

The best reason is that they haven't worked!

Well, that's the straight and honest talk.

Starting with this November

let's get down to some straight and honest policies.
These Bill Miller and I will give you when, with your help and with
God's blessing, we lead you forward once again on the proven path
through freedom.
---30---

of progress

N E WS

NEWS

FROM:

NEWS

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE

1625 Eye Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C.

20006

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
At 7:30 P.M . FRIDAY
October 16, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT CONRAD-HILTON HOTEL CHICAGO, ILL.

OCTOBER 16, 1964

BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

Today I want to discuss with you one of the gravest domestic
questions facing this nation.

That question is this:

How can we

build a society of many races with liberty and justice for all?
We usually think of the motto of our nation,
referring to the many states joined in one nation .

pluribus

as

Yet it also refers

more profoundly and symbolically to the many races, colors, and creeds
joined in one p e op l e.
Ours is the first nation in the history of man to assert that
its citizens have rights common to all mankind.

"We hold these truths

to be self-evident," the Declaration of Independence says,
men are created equal.

11

that all

11

Let us repeat, "all men"

--

not only Americans or Anglo - Americans --

not Christians or Jews - - not White men or Colored .

No, our Declaration

of Independence says all men, and that is what it means.
Our society has been built on this principle.

But the task has been

great, and it has been great from the very beginning .

We have passed

through many trials, and at one point in our history those trials even
burst forth into a tragic struggle of brother against brother .
In judging the present,

we must consider the past as well.

Only when

we compare the present with the past can we form reasonable plans and
hopes for the future.
When the Constitution was drafted and ratified, many compromises had
to be made

even with the evils of slavery.

For the alternative to

compromise was not a society of perfect equality and perfect freedom.
The alternative was plainly and simply no independence at all, no nation ,
and no Constitution.
(more)

(2)

The choice was clear.

--

Human freedom and equa1ity were to be

realized at the outset either imperfectiy or not at all.

Without compromise,

the noblest experiment in human freedom would have perished before it

was born.
Thus the Founding Fathers, after enshrining·the principle of
equality in the Declaration of Independence, set out through the
Constitution to bring its more perfect fulfillment.
The proposition "that all men are created equal" is fundamental to
our American Society.
The equality that is God's gift, however, is not the same as saying
that all mens• accomplishments must be equal, that their skills must be
equal, that their ambitions are equal or that their achievements are
equal.

On those levels, there is no equality, there is only opportunity.

Certainly, no level of government can or should attempt by its
actions to enforce equality in those essentially personal areas of great
human differences.

It is such differences that give life its diversity

and man his wondrous variety.
Where government presumes to control equality, forgetting that in
its essential areas it lies within God's province and the laws of nature,
there can be only conformity.

Government must consider and treat all

men as equal in the areas of law and civic order.

Otherwise, and in no

other area, can it make men equal.
Government can protect the diversity that men can achieve from the
base of their God given equality or government can repress their diversity.
The child born in America and the child born in Cuba are created
equal

but because the Cuban child is born to tyranny, he cannot

enjoy the freedom in which that basic equality will be respected and in
which he will have the opportunity to strive for self-fulfillment.
No one expects man to be as perfect as God.

But the goodness of

God is a reason for man to strive for such perfection as comes within his
reach.

A man who cannot become a saint need not remain a sinner.

The true choice is, therefore, between moving in the right direction
guided by sound principles -- or sliding backward into irresponsibility
and immorality.

(more)

-

(3)

The trouble comes from heeding false

counsel.

There are those who

seem to denounce society as hopelessly evil because i t is not perfect .

On the other hand,

there are those who tell us to be satisfied with what

we already have.
If such false counsel is heeded, minorities s·uffering unfair
discrimination will surely suffer frustration as well .

One kind of

frustration can be brought about if no progress at all seems to be made
toward greater equality of opportunity.

Another can be brought about

if everything short of total success is viewed as nothing at all, worthless, and deserving only of contempt.
This all-or-nothing attitude is bound to end in disaster, and
has already caused much harm to many innocent persons .
It is wrong to compel children to attend schools restricted to
members of their own race, however that may be defined.

It is also wrong

to forbid children to attend schools restricted to members of another
race.

I condemn that sort of segregation because it is compulsory.
There is another way that people may separate and distinguish

selves from each other.

them-

Far from being compulsory, it is the necessary

result of freedom -- the freedom of association.
Throughout this land of ours, we find people forming churches,
clubs, and neighborhoods with other families of similar beliefs, similar
tastes, and similar ethnic backgrounds.
that neighborhoods be

11

integrated

11

No one would think of insisting

with fixed proportions of Anglo -

Arnericans, German-Americans, Swedish-Americans -- or of Catholics,
Protestants, and Jews.
To me, it is wrong to take some children out of the schools they
would normally attend and bus them to others -- just to get a mixture
of ethnic and racial groups that somebody thinks is desirable .

This

forced integration is just as wrong as forced segregation .
It has been well said that the Constitution is color blind.

And

so it is just as wrong to compel children to attend certain schools for
the sake of so-called integration as for the sake of segregation.
(more)

-

(4)

our aim,

as I

understand i t ,

is neither to establish a

society nor to establish an integrated society .

segregated

It is to pres erv e a

free society.

I am not here passing judgment on particular measures adopted by
particular states or localities in dealing with their particular
problems.

If this campaign accomplishes nothing else, it is going to

remind the people of this country that they must look after their
own problems if they are to be solved.

They must look first to them-

selves, and next to the governmental level closest to them, for responsible
action on problems of social relations •.
But even though the national leadership should not legislate
for local problems, it should expound the principles upon which sound
action should proceed.
And so I endorse the position of the Republican Platform of 1964
on the bussing of school children.

I say with the Platform that it is

wrong to take school children out of their normal neighborhood schools for
the sake of achieving

11

racial balance", or some other hypothetical goal

of perfect equality imagined by the theorists of the so- called "Great
Society . "

It is wrong -- morally wrong -- because it re - introduces

through the back door the very principle of allocation by race that
makes compulsory segregation morally wrong and offensive to freedom.
The bussing of school children is only one example of doctrinaire
and misguided equalitarianism.

If we extend the principle to its logical

end, we are compelled to use racial quotas as a substitute for the
principle of equal opportunity in every aspect of social life.

Why not

move families from one neighborhood to another so that quotas set by some
bureaucrat somewhere will

be

everywhere met?

or workers from one job

to another? Or business men, or government officials, or any group of any
description?

Is this what we have in mind when we speak of freedom

and equal opportunity?
(more)

I t is often said that only the freedom of a

m e mber of a

minority

is violated when some barrier keeps him from associating with others

his

society.

But this is wrong.

freedom or it is nothing at all.
to associate with each other.

in

Freedom of association is a double
It applies to both parties who want

And so the barriers infringe the freedom

of everybody in the society, not just the minorities.
Now, the removal of such barriers enhances freedom.

That is clear.

But it is equally clear that freedom is diminished when barriers are
raised against the freedom not

to associate.

We must never forget

that the freedom to associate means the same thing as the freedom not
to associate.

It is wrong to erect legal barriers against either side

of this freedom.
We are forced to only one conclusion.

As far as the government

is concerned, it must ensure freedom of association, but it cannot and
should not ensure association itself.

That is a matter that must be

mutually and freely decided by the individuals involved.

It is a

matter of the heart and conscience.
We only cloud the issue by labelling this as a problem of "civil
rights."

A man's civil rights are those he has in relation to his

government, not in relation to his fellow man.

Of course, government

should not discriminate among citizens on irrelevant grounds such as
color, creed, or religion.

And no national political leader believes

it should.
There are still pockets of resistance to equality in civil rights,
but the problem here is to see to it that the rights guaranteed by the
Constitution are realized.

And, as I have said so many times and repeat

once again the President must execute his office and exercise
his moral leadership to make sure that this is the case.
Congress must also take action to remedy defects in the laws dealing
with genuine civil rights, and that is why I voted for and supported
the acts of 1957 and 1960.

These laws gave needed protection and security

to every citizen's right to vote in federal elections, regardless of race
or creed.

Nothing less would be faithful to our Constitution.

But the fundamental issue of our day
the act of 1964 dangerously treads

the new area into which

is a different one.

(more)

It is the

(6)

issue 0£

unfair discrimination

in the private

government can provide no lasting solution .

like another if he doesn't want to.

affairs

of men.

Here

No law can make one person

Government can do little more than

offer moral leadership and persuasion.

The ultimate solution lies in the

hearts of men.
Nevertheless, unfair discrimination in the private affairs of men
must be of grave concern to all those who serve in national office.
The reason is simple:

it limits the opportunities for pursuit of

happiness open to members of minority groups.
But what can those in national office do about this problem?

Some

laws will help, but they cannot be relied upon to provide the full solution-indeed, even a major part of it.

This is a moral problem, and local leader-

ship is needed to make headway in solving it.
President

The best thing the

can do is to use his office to persuade and encourage localities

to take up the task of leadership.
This means more than calling upon the governors of our states and
the mayors of our towns and cities.
fields of religion,

It means calling upon leaders in the

education, business, labor and so on.

And more than that, it means returning to communities the responsibility
course

for local government along with resources to carry it out.

Of

states, localities, religious groups, and associations of private

citizens need to provide better educational opportunities for those who
are able and motivated to make use of them.

But how can these organizations

when our citizenry is so heavily burdened by federal taxes,

so

Let us never forget that our people came here as immigrants from
all

over the world.

nation

Each minority group faced some degree of discrimi-

as it arrived and took root in our society.

And each overcame the

obstacles of discrimination because -- when all is said -- America is
the

land of opportunity.
Let me say that I know what it means to be discriminated against,

and I sympathize in the depth of my heart with those who suffer
aiscrimination .

At the same time, my family and I also know that we

would not be alive today if we had been in Poland -- where my grandfather
once lived -- in the days of Hitler, Stalin, and Krushchev.

we know we

would have suffered for no reason other than circumstance of birth.
(more)

In

a

free

society,

of the governed.

government

is

by consent

- - hence

by

the

opinion

Law as an expression of opinion cannot be more enlightened

than the opinion i t expresses.

Political leadership must always work

first for the enlightenment of hearts and minds -- for the opinions

which enable men to understand each other and respect their differences.
One thing that will surely poison and embitter our relations with
each other is the idea that some pre-determined bureaucratic schedule
of equality -- and, worst of all, a schedule based upon the concept of
race -- must be imposed as the goal of the so-called "Great Society."
That way lies destruction.
The forces working for true equality and true justice lie in the
heart of this great American people.

Let us place a more patient

confidence in their ultimate triumph.
We have come, literally and figuratively,
the earth to make this great nation.

from the very ends of

From many races, nations, and

creeds we have made, as we shall ever more perfectly make, under God,
one people .
---30---

FOR RELEASE

FOR RELEASE
WEDNESDAY AM'S
October 21, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER
TUESDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 20,· AT PIKESVILLE, MD.

The theme of our campaign is clear:
--Peace through strength.
--Progress through freedom
--Purpose through Constitutional order.
If we have the strength and will, we will have peace, and the Commun ists will never bury us.

We will instead see the day when those enslaved

by Communism will live under freedom.
We also want strength at home, in our economy, and we want it through
freedom.

Our free enterprise system has brought us the greatest riches

of any people on earth. · It can continue to do so if we take the bureaucratic
shackles off.

It can continue to do it if we place our main reliance on.

individuals, on hard work, on creativity, investment, and :incentive .
This Administration talks of a phony war on poverty -- but it has made
a

truce with unemployment.

This nation's unemployment rate is now higher

than the average under the Eisenhower Administration.

The present Admin -

istration chooses the path of expanded Federal programs and jobs -- and you
pay the bills

for both.

We choose the way of real jobs and real wages in private enterprise!
Perhps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
Purpose through Constitutional order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is master,
not servant of the people.
(more)

-2-

Whose government is this,

anyway?

It used to belong to the peopie.

We say that November 3 can be the day you get your country back!

You want, and we pledge, an Administration that will restore balance
to our government -- to protect and restore our freedoms.
You don't want a Supreme Court that is encouraged to enact laws,
rather than interpret them and pass on their constitutionality.
neither do I.

When vacancies occur

And

as they may during the next Admin-

istration -- we want men appointed to the Court who will support the
Constitution, not scoff at it!
We want and we pledge an Administration that will respect and support,
not overlook or undermine, the local law enforcement needed to protect
the lives and property of our citizens -- to make our streets safe.
want to make it safe to . live by

the law.

We

Enough has been done to make it

safe to live outside the law.
Yes, the message of our campaign is clear.

It is this:

Stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad .
We are in the midst of a campaign for the Presidency of the United
States, but you would never know it from listening to my opponent and
his curious crew.

They talk about everything under the sun but the

President's job.
And for good reason.

The record shows that the interim President

doesn't understand the President's job.
To Lyndon Johnson, running a country means twisting arms and banging
heads together.

It means buying and bludgeoning votes.

It means getting

a TV monopoly in his home state and building a private fortune.
surrounding

It means

himself with companions like Bobby Baker, Billie Sol Estes,

Matt McCloskey and other interesting men.

It means turning people into

numbers and manipulating them with computers in the White House.

It

means craving and grasping for power -- more and more and more, without
end.
(more)

-3-

And what about his curious running mate, Hubert Horatio Humphrey ,
this ADA radical of the left?

Why does he want so badly to be a heart -

beat away from the Presidency?
collectivism?

To drag our nation into the swampland of

To bring Red China into the United Nations?

To take hun -

dreds of billions - of dollars from your pockets to spend on silly socialis tic schememes?
Look closely, my fellow Americans, at this curious crew who would
run your country .
camp!
big

My opponent calls them the camp of unity .

What a curious

Here you find the unity of bosses - - bosses of big cities, bosses o f
unions, and bosses of big business.

Here you find the corrupt, the

immoral, the power mad, and the radicals of the left .
This is the curious crew who promise the people, use the people , de ceive the people.
Are these to be entrusted with the great power of the Presidency?
Are these to be entrusted with the direction of our foreign policy and
with the leadership of this nation among all nations of the world?
That, my fellow Americans, is the President's job.

The President is

the man responsible for the state of our affairs throughout the world .
And I charge that they are in shambles, from one end of the world
to the other -- and you know it.
I charge that this Administration has declared a moratorium on gov ernment until the election is over -- and you know it .
I charge that this Administration has a Soft Deal for Communism
and you know it.
I charge that this Administration has a foreign policy of drift,
deception. and defeat .

And you know that, too .

Drift, deception, defeat -- these are the watchwords of my opponent
and his curious crew .
(more)

They let us drift into the missile crisis in Cuba.

And then they

deceive the American public and the free world about what is happening.
They label as irresponsible those who kept warning that the Soviets were
bringing troops and missiles into Cuba.
from good old Nikita.

They say we had nothing to fear

They say no Soviet leader really wants to bury us.

And the cause of peace suffers defeat.
They let us drift into a Berlin crisis.

And when they deceive the

free world and the American public into believing we have no right or
power to keep the East from literally walling itself off from the West.
They deprive victims of Communism of the last freedom left to them -the freedom to leave Communist enslavement.
And the cause of peace suffers defeat.
They drift into crises in the Congo, in Laos, in Malaysia.
time they deceive the American public and the free world.
are labeled as enemies -- and they are betrayed.

And each

Our friends

Our enemies are labeled

as friends -- and then supported.
And the cause of peace suffers defeat.
They drift into Lyndon Johnson's War in Vietnam.
ceive and deceive and deceive.

They have never stopped deceiving the

American public and the free world.

American sons and grandsons are being

killed by Communist bullets and Communist bombs.
a word of truth about why

And then they de-

And we have yet to hear

they are dying.

And the cause of peace suffers a shattering defeat.
Drift, deception, defeat -- these are the watchwords of Lyndon Baines
Johnson and his curious crew.
In Laos, in Vietnam, in Malaysia, and in the Congo
places and more we hear the echo of gunfire.
(more)

in all these

-s-

Ninety miles from our shore sits a bearded, ranting, red dictator.
He sits and runs a firmly entrenched base of Communist subversion, guarded
by Soviet soldiers and Soviet missiles.

And they said--and still say--

that the man who put them there was,Nikita--the good, the friendly, the
reasonable.
We are drifting into catastrophe as surely as the sun sets in the
west.

And they say,

"let us continue".

To help us drift along, the interim President has declared a moratorium on government.

He desperately hopes to keep out of trouble if

he just does nothing until the election is over.

He hopes to put off

crises and disasters until then, when the votes are in.
Can you imagine, my fellow Americans, what it would be like to have
four more years of drift, deception, and defeat?

To have four more years

of a Soft Deal for Communism?
My opponent has not told you what he plans to do about the Cold War.
He seems to be afraid to speak.
Far from it.

But his curious crew has not been silent.

They have said every wild and crazy thing imaginable.

Listen to the statement of policies of the Americans for Democratic
Action.

This is the organ of the radical left that Hubert Horatio Humphrey

helped to found and served until last month as Vice-Chairman.
The ADA "urges immediate initiation •.• of negotiations toward diplomatic recognition of the Peiping regime and its accreditation to the UN
as the government of China."
The ADA says "our government's eventual aim should be resumption of
normal relations with the Cuban government, including renegotiation with
regard to the Guantanamo Naval Base."
The ADA favors for Southeast Asia "a neutral buffer zone, which the
present Administration has accepted with respect to Laos."

It applauds

the Administration's policy of forcing our allies in Laos to accept
Communists in their government.

It describes the struggle against Communist
(more'

-6-

aggression in Vietnam as a

"civil. war that is

in the main the result o£

decay of the totalitarian Diem regime."

Does Lyndon Baines Johnson agree with these shocking views?

If not,

will he please explain to the American public and to the free world why
he wants the most prominent left-wing ADA radical in this country to be
a heatbeat away from the Presidency?
We must put.an end to drift, to deception, and to defeat.

We must

end, once and for all, the Soft Deal for Communism.
We have had four years of drift in Washington, and the result is
Lyndon Johnson's war.
ness.

Lyndon Baines Johnson has sowed the wind of weak-

He has reaped the whirlwind of war.
We have had four years of deception in Washington, and the result

is shattered prestige.

Even the Central Intelligence Agency reports that

our prestige has dipped below the peril point.
Are you proud of our fight for freedom?

Are you proud of Panama?

Are you proud of the burned effigy in Greece?

Are you proud when no

country is too small to pull Uncle Sam's whiskers and get away with it?
Are you proud of wheat deals with the destroyers of liberty?
We bailed our Communist enemy out of a serious economic crisis with
that wheat deal and with other aid.

Instead of letting the Soviet Union and

the Communist world stew in their own troubles, we actually bailed them
out.

And why?

Just because this Administration was foolish enough to

believe that Nikita was a

11

good 11 communist -- that he was our friend --

that we could trust his word.

Just last Sunday, Lyndon Johnson spoke of

Krushchev as a statesman who had "demonstrated good sense and sober judgment."
It was bad enough to make a fatal mistake about Nikita Krushchev. It
was bad enough to have a foreign policy that made us choose between "good"
and "bad" Communists.

It was bad enough to count on personal deplomacy to

solve the problems of a clash of systems.
(more)

But

worst

of a l l was

the

insane policy of strengthening an enemy

who has vowed to bury us .

We n ow see Krushchev removed from power and replaced by rulers i n
the Soviet Union .

We hear the explosion of an atomic device in Communi s t

China -- and we do not know how much the Soviets had to do with it .

We

hear the Chinese Communist leaders send a resounding greeting to the new
Soviet leaders - - and we hear those leaders respond with soothing words.
Where is the disunity of the Communist world?
the split between the Chinese and the Soviets?

What has happened to

Where is the benefit of

the so-called test ban treaty?
We are brought face to face with reality.

We must now confront the

possibility of an enemy reunified and strengthened by our own policy of
aid .
We once faced an enemy plagued with disunity, and we followed a
policy that brought back unity and greater strength.

We once had friends

in the free world who were unified in purpose and strength, and we
followed a policy that tore them asunder .
This Administration has lived in the world of empty wishes and slogans .
This Administration has completely and fatally misunderstood what Communists
mean by peaceful co-existence.

It is now time for this nation to move

forward into the world of reality and good sense.
Cast out this dangerous policy of drift, deception, and defeat before
it is too late.
and strong.

Cast out this Soft Deal for Communism .

Be confident

Be proud again .

The challenge of the hour is great.

The cause of peace is too

precious to be entrusted to men who have a wishbone where they need a
backbone.

It will not be served by those who practice drift, deception

and defeat.
Let us look and thrill to the advance of a great Atlantic civiliza tion, joined by its ocean highway to the United States.
(more)

What a destiny

-scan be ours -- to stand as a great central pillar linking Europe, the
Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples of the Pacific .
Let us look to the day when America extends its hand in help , in

teaching, and in cultivation so that all new nations will be encouraged

to go freedom's way.

Let us sweep away the drift, deception, and defeat

that make these new nations wander down the dark alleys of collectivism .
With your help and God's blessing, Bill Miller and I will lead this·
nation forward again along the proven path charted by the wisdom of our
history.

We will end drift, deception, and defeat.

We will bring pur -

pose, integrity, and victory to the cause of peace and freedom everywhere.
-30-

FOR RELEASE

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
6:30 P.M. WEDNESDAY
October 21, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT CONVENTION HALL, PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER 21, 1 964,
BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

The theme of our campaign is clear:
--Peace through strength.
--Progress through freedom.
--Purpose through Constitutional order.
We don't mean the sleepwalker peace of this Administration.

We don't

mean reliance on unproven theories that the enemy will mellow.
We see the enemy for what it is, not for what we wish it were.
we know

And

that Communism -- in Cuba, in Berlin, in Vietnam, in the Congo, in

Malaysia, wherever it is at work -- is the only real threat to the peace
of the world today.
Peace is for those who are strong enough to keep it.

If we have the

strength and the will to keep the peace, Communism's wrong idea will be
exposed, its internal contradictions will be exploited, and eventually its
tyranny will be ended.
If we have this strength and will, Communism will never bury us.

And

we will see the day when those enslaved by Communism will live under freedom.
I've been in war.
by war -- or by slavery!

I have sons and daughters whom I do not want touched
That's why I want a strong America -- to stop the

war that is looming on the horizon of this Administration's
of drift, deception, and defeat.

(more)

foreign policy

-2-

we want strength at home, in our economy, and we want it through
freedom.

Our free enterprise system has brought us the greatest riches

of any people on earth.
cratic shackles off.

It can continue to do it if we take the bureau -

It can do it if we place our main reliance on in-

dividuals , on hard work, on creativity, investment, and incentive.
This Administration talks of a phony war on poverty -- but it has
made a truce with unemployment.

This nation's unemployment rate is now

higher than the average under the Eidenhower Administration.

The present

Administration chooses the path of expanded Federal programs and jobs -and you pay the bills for both.
We choose the way of real jobs and real wages in private enterprise!
Yes, the message of this campaign is clear.

It is this:

Stop the

spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad .
Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
Purpose Through Constitutional Order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is master,
not servant, of the people.
Whose government is this, anyway?

It used to belong to the people.

We say that November 3 can be the day you get your country back!
You want, and we pledge, an Administration that will restore balance to
our government -- to protect and restore our freedoms.
You don't want a Supreme Court that is encouraged to enact laws,
rather than interpret them and pass on their constitutionality.
do I.

And neither

When vacancies occur -- as they may during the next Administration

we want men appointed to the Court who will support the Constitution,
not scoff at it!
You don't want an Executive who tries to turn the Congress into a
rubber stamp, with a handle where their conscience should be.
do I!
(more}

And neither

-3-

We want humility and honesty of service in the White House -- not
arrogance and personal power .
We want lights turned

on

in the White House.

Lights of honesty ,

lights of leadership.
We want the brightness of examples that will inspire law and order
in the land, not the darkness that encourages crime, violence, and the
creed of the fast buck.
Yet in the last 3 or 4 years we have seen just about every crime
record on the books broken and rebroken -- juvenile delinquency, assault,
hoodlumism, theft, murder, dope addiction.
And not only crimes as such, but divorce, school drop-outs, mobs
in the streets, and many other symptoms of a sickness in our society .
Now, what does all this have to do with a political campaign
particularly, a Presidential election?
Is the Administration at fault when a pocket gets picked?
Is it the President 's responsibility when a hoodlum breaks a window
in a candy store?
Well, let's think about it.
People tend to look upward for guidance, and so leadership and in spiration naturally radiate downward -- and so does corruption.
People look up to their clergy and their churches and they expect
to find righteousness .
People look up to their generals and their armies and they expect
to find bravery and dedicatiqn .
They look up to their President and their Government and they expect
to find integrity, honesty, indestructible moral fiber .
Seeing greed and murder, at the highest level, in too many alien
government

America

want

all

the more

to

see in their own government

clear and constant evidence of the highest morality.
(more)

-4-

Instead they see men who get rich in office .

after another swept under the rug.

They see one scandal

They see the very machinery of their

own government put in high gear to keep the public"from knowing the truth .
If this can happen in the highest offices of our Federal Government
and if the people come to accept it with a shrug -- then why not in state
governments, in county administrations, in our cities and towns?
And if our officials can get away with crooked deals and shady prac tices, why not our private citizens?

Why not our children?

It ' s not enough that this example is reflect ed downward .

It is as if

it must be proj e cted downward - - almost as if there were a will to promote
such practices .
Listen to Mr: Katzenbach, who has taken the place of Lyndon's reject
as Acting Attorney General.

He says, "The most dangerous thing about

organized crime is the extent to which it corrupts local government and

police officials.
And,

11
•

"of course," he says, "your kids think the cop isn't honest,

think the City Council is on the take ..•• "
There's encouragement for honest policemen, for you!
excuse for a record crime wave in this Administration!

There's a good

Blame it on crime

itself -- with the help of corrupt officials.
Blame it on the little fellow, the man down the line.

The city

councilman, the police chief, the cop on the beat.
Just call the officer on the beat dishonest - - but carefully and
quietly and lengthily and expensively investigate to see if there's really
any evidence against Bobby Baker!

Any by all means -- drag it out until

the election is over!
And whatever you do, don't mention Billy Sol Estes.
Matt Mcclosky.

Or have you already forgotten about them?

Does this make any sense to you at all?
(more)

And forget about

-sWhen corruption and immorality ar e discovered in high councils , why
can't your President j u s t s a
soy-- just

llll

us it 's being dug out and

destroyed?
What kind of private club has this Administration been running?
Whose government is it anyway?

It used to belong to the people .

How, you will rightly ask, will Bill Miller and I restore domesti c
tranquility to this land?

Well, let me tell you how we will do it .

First, by example at the top .
But example alone is not enough .

The President must use the power

and influence of his office to strike at the roots of the breakdown in
law enforcement.
Now, my opponent in this election would not understand what this
means.

To him, the way to solve a problem is to appropriate a few hun -

dred million dollars of taxpayers' money, and see if the problem will
disappear along with the money .

If that doen't happen, the next thing

to do is to create a new bureaucracy in the White House to meddle in the
affairs of others.
And while he meddles, the nation's capital is being consumed by crime .
Here is

a Federal responsibility - - the domestic tranquility of the

District of Columbia.

What, you might ask, has my opponent done to ful -

fill his grave responsibility toward law and order in our capital city?
Let's take a look at the dismal record of major crimes in our nation ' s
captital.
There are twenty-one cities in the United States with more than a
half-million population in 1960.

Washington ranks ninth in size .

But

in the rate for major crimes against persons, it ranks first.
The crime rate against persons in the District of Columbia is more
than four times the national average .
And do you know what has happened this year to major crimes in Wash ington?

In the first six months they rose 34 per cent in comparison with
(more)

-6-

the same period last year.
entire nation.
per cent.

This is more than double the increase for the

Rape, assault, burglary, and robbery together rose 47

Auto thefts went up by the fantastic figure of 86 per cent.

Since 1960, juvenile court cases have risen by 67 per cent.

In the

last year alone, the increase was 23 per cent.
What a place of shame and dishonor our nation's capital occupies!
Just what has the interim President done, by example or leadership, to
restore domestic tranquility in the District of Columbia?
We have heard of and seen many wars in the time of the present Administration.
crime?

But have we yet heard of the essential war -- the war against

No, not even in the city whose rule lies in the hands of the

Federal government.
This I can pledge to you -- that I will launch that attack.

We will

first of all use our power and influence to see that law enforcement
officers, on the state and local level, get back the power they need to
carry out their job.
Let me make this crystal clear:
and local responsibility.
police force.

Enforcement of the law is a state

There is no room in this country for a federal

And there is no need for one.

But there is urgent need to return to state and local authorities the
traditional powers to apprehend and punish criminals, powers that have
only recently been taken away from those authorities by federal courts
particularly the Supreme Court.
I know you will agree with me that something needs to be done.

And

let me suggest three things that can be done.
First, in making appointments to the federal judiciary, the President
must consider the need to redress constitutional interpretation in favor of
the freedom and rights of the law-abiding citizens.

He must appoint men

fully qualified to carry out their judicial duties and to respect the
Constitution.
(more)

-7-

Ask yourse1ves whether my opponent wou1d appoint

such men .

Remember

that the recent decisions open to criticism have been made by a closely
divided Supreme Court .

Second, if the Court's decisions should remain unaltered , the Presi dent can urge amendment of the Constitution.

Such amendment should give

back to the states those powers absolutely necessary for fair and effi cient administration of criminal law.

It should safeguard rights of

criminal defendants, while giving the states power to enforce law and
order.
Third, the President should urge Congress to consider changing some
of the rules of judicial procedure in the federal courts .
clearly has this power under the Constitution .

Congress

I refer here to those

rules that one of our greatest jurists, Benjamin Cardoza, once character ized as meaning that "the criminal is to go free because the constable
has blundered.

11

These three proposals are constructive steps in the direction of
sounder law enforcement.

But they can be advanced only by the right

leadershi p.
And, above all, that leadership must show, clearly and constantly,
the morality and the honesty which our people have every right to expect.
Doesn't your heart cry for a littie common, ordinary honesty -- a
litt l e simple straight-forwardness?
Aren't you getting sick to death of carefully prepared and ambiguous
statements?
Can't that man talk to you as human beings?
My friends, example begins at the top.

And a Government that is to

hurl stones at corruption must be without sin.
I

can never lay claim to being above human error..

flat and unrestricted promise, here and now:
from the day I
with

first walk in until the day I

you .
- 30 -

But I make you one

When I go to the White House -last walk out-- I'll be honest

-

..

.. .

-

FOR AUTOMATIC RELEASE RELEASE
6:30 P.M., EDT, WEDNESDAY
October 21, 1964

NATIONWIDE TV ADDRESS ON 'SOVIET SHIFT AND U,S. POLICY'
OVER ABC NETWORK, 10:30-11 P.M., EDT., OCTOBER 21, 1964
BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

Good evening •• My fellow Arnericans •• before doing anything else

I

want to call your attention to two headlines in this week's news.
"Kremlin shift hints harder line".
"Brezhnev hints at improved links with Peking".
These tell a story which seems to contradict the story you heard
from President Johnson last Sunday evening.

That is why I am here tonight.

I come before you this evening to discuss two events of great

importance to the security of this nation and the free world.
As you all know •• Krushchev has been thrown out of the government of
the soviet Union •• and the dictatorship of that country has been put into
the hands of new leaders.
As you also know •• a nuclear explosion took place in Red China
within hours of this change in government.
These are momentous events.
opportunity to this country.

They present both a challenge and an

You deserve a straight and honest explanation

from each candidate for the Presidency on how he proposes to meet this
challenge and exploit this opportunity.
I

have said many times •• and I repeat it again tonight •• that every

President owes it to the American people to take them into his full confidence when critical decisions confront the nation.
true when national security is at stake.

This is particularly

We cannot afford ••• and let me

stress that •• we simply cannot afford any security risks.
Now •• what is the significance of these eventa in the Communist world?
First •• the Communist threat to our security has become more grave.
The dissension in Communist ranks •• brought on by a clash of personalities ••
(more)

(2)

is

being repaired.

Red China

and

the

Soviet Union

seem t o be

patching

up their differences •• and we must 1ook forward to being faced by a

more

unified Communist movement.
second .. the foreign policy of the present Administration ••• based
on a belief that there are 'good' and 'bad' Communists •• has been an
utter failure.

It has failed to halt the march of Communism and the

testing of nuclear weapons and the spread of nuclear power through the
communist world.

This policy •• if I may call it that •• has instead helped

the Communist world through a time of troubles and allowed it to emerge
as a greater threat than ever to the freedom of the West.
Third .• these events have laid bare •• for all to see •• the real meaning
of
11

11

peaceful co-existence".

By this slogan •• the Communists simply mean ••

We won't hurt you if you peacefully surrender to us.

11

Now •• let's see why these conclusions are so clear.

Over the last

several years we have all read about the troubles besetting the Communist
world.

There were grave economic difficulties everywhere ••• in the Soviet

Union •• in its European satellites ••• in Red China and its satellites ••
in Cuba •• everywhere.

Beyond that •• Mao Tse tung •• the dictator of Red

China •• was quarreling with Khrushchev •• the dictator of the Soviet Union.
They were quarreling over who would be the big boss of the entire
Communist movement and what would be the best way to bury us.
Meanwhile the Communist countries of Eastern Europe •• were becoming
restless and were demanding more independence.
Khrushchev decided that the best way to get out of trouble and to
stay on top was to get the West to bail him out.

And so he dusted off

the old slogan of "peaceful co-existence" ••• and worked it on the leaders
of the present Administration with a soft sell.

And they fell for it.

Khrushchev we were being told was a "good" Communist •• one who was
concerned as we were with finding a peaceful resolution of the conflict
between Communist aggression and western resistance.

Only last Sunday ••

Lyndon Johnson paid tribute to him as a man of "good sense and sober
judgement."
We were also being told that standing against Khrushchev were the
11

bad" Communists ••• namely •• his personal enemies in Red China.

Why were

they "bad" because they openly admitted that Communism could not conquer
(more)

( 3 )

the world without

fighting wars

against the

free

nations.

Never mind that Khrushchev vowed to bury us.

Never mind that the

only difference between 'good' and 'bad' Communists is a disagreement on
how to bury us.

Khrushchev thought we would simply surrender without

putting up a fight •• while the Chinese and some other Communists thought
some fighting would be necessary.
But never mind those things.

This Administration embarked on the

dangerous policy of being nice to the "good" Communists.
economy fails •• sell them wheat at bargain prices.
cash •• give them credit.

If their

If they are short of

If they promise not to blow up any more nuclear

bombs •• sign a treaty giving our solemn ••• and faithful ••• word not to do
the same.

If they object to our armaments program •• cut it back unilaterally.

If our pursuit of national interest in Cuba makes them nervous •• promise
never to rock the boat as long as Communism reigns.
In these and other ways •• we actively helped Khrushchev over his
difficult times.

We helped this man who did not hesitate to remind us

that he intended to bury us.

Listen •• for example •• to what he said last

July:

"Of course, when I say that we are against war, I mean aggressive,
predatory wars.
libe ration:

But there are other wars, wars of national

such wars are just and sacred.

We support the peoples

who take up arms and uphold their independence and freedom, and we
support them not only in words but by concrete deeds."
In other words •• it's all right to kill our boys in Vietnam •• or Cuba ••
or the Congo •.• or anywhere people are being "liberated" by Communism.
Do you think for a moment that the United States is not also marked for
Communist "liberation"?
And let• s just see what the Communists really mean by :•peaceful
co-existence".

Here's what an official journal of the international

Communist movement says:
"Peaceful co-existence, being a form of the class struggle between
capitalism and socialism, provides, as the events of recent years
have shown, a favorable climate for the revolutionary struggle of
all peoples.

It is in the conditions of peaceful co-existence that
(more)

(4)

the colonial system of imperialism has disintegrated,

that the

socialist revolution has triumphed in Cuba, and that the working
class and democratic movements have grown in the capitalist countries .

Peaceful co-existence, then, does not signify "accommodation" with
imperialism, "reconciliation" between the oppressed
and the oppressors, or "co-existence of ideologies" but the future
development of the class struggle -- economic, political and
ideological."
Mark these words well.
"peaceful co-existence."

This is what the Communists really mean by

They do not

mean "peace".

is simply the Communist strategy for world conquest.

"Peaceful co-existence"
Communists may

sometimes disagree about the best tactics for carrying out this strategy ••
but they all agree on the strategy.
Now the only thing any reasonable man can conclude is that the
present Administration has made the mistake of thinking that "peaceful
co-ex_istence" is the same as "peace."

And it has made the mistake of

trying to distinguish different kinds of Communism .• and of supporting some
and not others. It has ignored the fact that all Communists agree on the
same goal ••• a Communist dominated world.

And so this Administration chose

Khrushchev as the 'good' Communist who should be supported.

But some

months ago it began to be clear that Khrushchev was not doing so well ••
even with help from the United States.
Khrushchev pushed his tactical differences with the Chinese leaders
too. far last summer. His call for a conference of all Communist parties
gave those parties an opportunity to disapprove of him and his tactics.
Such objections came out in the open in the testament supposedly left
byTogliatti •• the leader of the Italian Communist Party •• who died during
a visit to the Soviet Union last July.

Finally •• just a little over a

week ago •• the French Communist Party flatly refused to attend the
conference and declared its support for a greater independence of parties.
While this opposition was growing outside the Soviet Union •• interesting
changes in party and government were taking place inside as well.
Khrushchev's self-appointed successor •• Frol Kozlov •• disappeared.
only that he had suffered a stroke.
(more)

They said

A man named Brezhnev gradually took

--his

pl.ace

in

the

head of state .

(S)

party organization

moving

from h i s

ceremonial

post

as

Some old Communists •• such as Suslov.•• who prose c ute d

case against Khrushchev •• remained in power .

the

Men 1itt1e known in the

west •• such as Panomorov •• seemed to have increasing influence .

Mi koya n •••

the hardy perennial of the Soviet scene ••• and Kosygin ••• a relative newcomer who was to take Khrushchev's place in the government • •• shifted about
New men rose up in the party and government structure •••

in their positions .

men like Ustinov • • who has been connected with the armament industry .
There were other organizational changes and counterchanges.
Soviet and Chinese party emissaries met in a conference in East
Germany .

Rumors flew of an imminent nuclear explosion in Red China •• and

these were given credence by our own secretary of State .
In short .• there were many signs that something was afoot .
Yet this Administration was caught completely by surprise when
Khrushchev was deposed .

Last Sunday on television •• the Secretary

of

State confirmed the fact that the Administration was caught flat footed
by Khrushchev's fall.
The Administration was undoubtedly caught even more by surprise
when the leaders of Red China immediately congratulated the new rulers of
the Soviet Union and forecast a new era of friendly relations between
the two countries.

Here is what their message said:

"On learning that Comrade Brezhnev has been elected First Secretary
o f the Central Committee of the-Communist Party of the Soviet Union
and that Comrade Kosygin has been appointed Chairman of the Council
of Ministers, we extend you our warm greetings.
"It is our sincere wish that the fraternal Soviet people will achieve
new successes in their constructive work in all fields and in the
struggle for the defence of world peace.
"The Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese government, and the
Chinese people rejoice at every progress made by the great soviet
Union, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the Soviet people
on their road of advance.
"The recent successful launching and landing of the Soviet space ship
represented another great achievement of the working people of the
Soviet Union.

We wish to avail ourselves of this

(more)

_ ortunity to

(6)

convey our

sincere

congratulations

to you,

and through you t o

the

great Soviet peop1e.

"The Chinese and Soviet parties and the two countries unite on the
basis of Marxism-Leninism and Proletarian Internationalism .
"May

the fraternal, unbreakable friendship between the Chinese

and Soviet peoples continuously develop.
"May the Chinese and Soviet peoples win one victory after another
in their common struggle against imperialism headed by the United
States and for the defense of world peace.

11

Can you imagine a stronger message of friendship and declaration
of unity?

And remember this was sent by the four top leaders of Red

China •• the chairman of the party •• the president •• the head of the armed
forces •• and the prime minister.

And here is the response given this

week by Brezhnev. the new Communist leader.
"Our party will strive for the strengthening of the unity of the
great community of the fraternal socialist countries on a fully

\

equal footing and on the basis of correct combination of the common
interests of the socialist community with the interests of the
people of each country, the development of an all-sided cooperation
between the socialist states, in our common struggle for peace and
socialism.

11

Where is the Chinese-Soviet rift today?

Can we even be sure that

the Soviet Union did not take a hand in the nuclear explosion?

What does

the test ban treaty mean now ••• if it ever meant anything?
You may recall that I warned of the possibility •• when the test-ban
treaty was before the senate •• that the Soviets might easily evade the
treaty by conducting their tests in Red China.

Surely nothing prevents

them from doing so.
So •• where do we stand?
Every sign before us now says that our policy toward the Communists
has been a failure.
Nikita Khrushchev.

It was bad enough to make a fatal mistake about
It was bad enough to have a foreign policy ••• if we

may call it that ••• based on a choice between "good" and "bad" Communists.
It was bad enough to count on personal diplomacy to solve the problems
of a clash of systems.
\

- -

- (7)

But worst of a l l was the

insane policy of strengthening an enemy who

has sworn to bury us.

we are now brought face to face with reality.

We must now confront

an enemy re-unified and strengthened by our policy of aid.
This Administration once faced an enemy plagued with disunity and
trouble •• and it followed a policy that brought back unity and greater
strength.
This Administration

once had friends in the free world who were

unified in purpose and strength •• and it followed a policy that tore
them asunder.

This Administration has lived in the world of empty

wishes and slogans.
It is now time for this nation to move forward into the world of
reality and good sense.

And I pledge to you that I will lead you back

to sanity in our foreign relations.
Here are •tthe three things we must do immediately in establishing a
sensible policy toward Communism.
First .• we must rebuild our once grand alliances.
with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

And we must start

Here in these fifteen

countries rests more than two thirds of the world's productive capacity.
Here live 470 million intelligent and able people.
of our North Atlantic allies

The economic

power

taken together •• equals our own.

Here are the elements of power in the free world.

Here are all the

elements we need •• already in being ••• just waiting to be put to use in
ending the Communist threat.
Only one thing is missing •• but it means everything.

That one thing

is unity ••• unity in cause •• unity in purpose •• and unity in action.

In its

place •• we have disunity and disarray •• brought to the free world by four
years of drift •• deception •• defeat •
How can we create unity out of chaos?

It will not be easy •• but

it can be done by a bold and joint attack on the roots of the problem.
I have already pledged that one of my first acts as President will
be to initiate a call for a North Atlantic conclave.

That conclave will

have a single purpose ••• to create a North Atlantic community unified in
spirit •• purpose •• and action.
(more)

(S)

As the f i r s t move •• I

wi11 name a

b1ue ribbon de1egation of American

citizens to meet with the delegates from other NATO nations to plan the
conclave.

Those great statesmen of this nation who helped build NATO

should join in leading the American delegation •.
Only through such a bold venture can we create a climate of true
friendship and partnership.

We must reclaim our friends and reassure them

of our own friendship through concrete deeds.

We must treat them as

genuine partners in the pursuit of· freedom.
The second thing we must do is to recognize that Communism is our
enemy •.. the whole of Cornrnunisrn •• not just some faction of the movement.
After all •• we spend fifty billion dollars a year to defend ourselves against
the

11

good

11

Communists •• so-called by this Administration.

We must under-

stand the nature •. aim •• and strategy of the international Communist
movement.

We must never let the zigs and zags in tactics take our eyes

off the ultimate strategy ••• which is plainly and simply a blueprint
for world revolution and world conquest.
The third thing to do is to confront Communism with a firm policy
of resistance.

We must move as quickly as possible to rebuild a _policy

of strength and resolution •• with the overriding goal of promoting
national interests.
stand and respect.

This is the only

our

policy Communist leaders under-

We will keep the peace if •• and only if •• we take a firm

stand against Communist aggression ••• if.•• and only if •• we insist on concrete
concessions and safeguards every step of the way toward a lasting peace.
Of course we must act prudently and cautiously.

Of course we must

make responsible use of our great power.
But let us never again fall into the trap of thinking that weakness means prudence •• or that inaction means caution.

These are the

truly irresponsible policies. These are the policies that have led this
Administration down the road to failure and our nation to the brink
of disaster.
We face a challenge and an opportunity.
in control of the Soviet Union.

Before us lies a new team

There will be days and months and

perhaps even years of jockeying for power.
outcome.
(more)

We cannot see the final

(9)

But what we do now •• in the immediate future •• wi11 p1ay a major

role in shaping the future of freedom throughout the wor1d.

If we have

the will and wisdom to show the Communist leaders that we firmly intend
to protect and promote our interests •• we will blurt the thrust of
Communist aggression.
expansion.

We will deny success to their ambitions for

we will cause the Communist leaders to look inward to their

own internal problems and to work out solutions •• solutions that can be
found only through relaxing the totalitarian despotism that now reigns
in the Communist world.

Then we can have real hope for lasting peace.

My fellow Americans •• you have a clear choice to make.

You may

continue the bankrupt policy of this Administration •• a policy of drift
and deception.

This can only lead to defeat .•• to an ultimate choice

between total war or total surrender.
Or you can strike out once again on the path of peace through
strength and resolution.

This is the only responsible course ••• the only

course to peace and freedom.
I have faith in the choice you will make.

And with your help and

with God's. blessing •• I will take up the task of leadership.
---30---

FOR RELEASE
AUTOMATIC RELEASE
AT 8:30 P.M. EDT., SATURDAY
October 24, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT MIDWEST UNIVERSITY STADIUM, WICHITA FALLS, TEXAS,
OCTOBER 23, 1964,BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

The theme of our campaign is clear:
Peace through strength.
Progress through freedom.
Purpose through Constitutional order.
1

We don t mean the sleepwalker peace of this Administration.

We don't ·

mean reliance on unproven theories that the enemy will mellow.
we see the enemy for what it is, not for what we wish it were.

And we

know that Communism -- in Cuba, in Berlin, in Vietnam, in the Congo, in
Malaysia, wherever it is at work -- is the only real threat to the peace of
the world today.
Peace is for those who are strong enough to keep it.

If we have the

strength and the will to keep the peace, Communism's wrong idea will be exposed, its internal contradictions will be exploited, and eventually its
tyranny will be ended.
If we have this strength and will, Communism will never bury us.

And

we will see the day when those enslaved by Communism will live under freedom.
I've been in war.

I have sons and daughters whom I do not want touched

by war -- or by slavery!

That's why I want a strong America -- to stop

the

war that is looming on the horizon of this Administration's foreign policy of
\

drift, deception, and defeat.
Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
Purpose Through Constitutional Order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is master,
not servant of the people.
Whose government is this anyway?

It used to belong to the people.

we say that November 3 can be the day you get your country back!
(more)

(2)

You want,

and we p1edge ,

You don't want a

an Administration t h a t will

our

supreme Court that is encouraged to e nact laws,

than interpret them and pass on their Constitutionality.

When vacancies occur

restore

freedoms.

rather

And ne i ther do I.

-- as they may during the next Administratio n -- we want

men appointed to the court who will support the Constitution , no t

s coff at

it!

You don't want an Executive who tries to turn the Congress into a rubber
stamp , with a handle where their conscience should be .

And neither do I !

we want humility and honesty of service in the White House -- not
arrogance and personal power .
, we want lights turned on in the White House .

Lights of honesty , lights

of leadership.
we want the brightness of examples that will inspire law and order in
this land, not the darkness that encourages crime, violence, and the creed o f
the fast buck.
we want and we pledge an Administration that will respect and support,
not. overlook or undermine, the local law enforcement needed to protect the
lives and property of our citizens -- to make our streets safe .
make it safe to live }2y the law.
live o u tside

We want to

Enough has been done to make it safe to

the law.

Yes, the message of our campaign is clear.

It is this:

Stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad .
Here we are in the midst of a campaign for the Presidency of the United
States, but you would never know it from listening to my opponent and his
curious crew.

They talk about everything under the sun but the President's

job.
And for good reason.

The record shows that the interim President doesn't

understand the President's job.
To Ly ndon Johnson, running a country means twisting arms and banging
heads together.

It means buying and bludgeoning votes .

It means surrounding

himself with companions like Bobby Baker, Billie Sol Estes, and Matt Mccloskey .
It means turning people into numbers and manipulating them with computers in
the White House.

It means craving and grasping for power -- more and more

and more, without end.
(more)

(3)

And

what

about

his

ADA radical of the ieft?

from the Presidency?

curious

running

mate,

Hubert Horatio Humphrey,

Why does he want so bad1y to be a

this

heartbeat away

To drag our nation into the swamp1and of co11ectivism?

To bring Red China into the United Nations?

To take hundreds of billions

of dollars from your pockets to spend on silly socialistic schemes?
Look closely, my fellow Americans, at this curious crew who would run
your country.
camp!

My opponent calls them the camp of unity.

What a curious

Here you find the unity of bosses -- bosses of big cities, bosses

of big unions, and bosses of big business.

Here you find the corrupt, the

immoral, the power mad, and the radicals of the left.
This is the curious crew who promise the people, use the people, deceive
the people.
Are these to be entrusted with the great power of the Presidency?

or

shall we reject these men and move forward again along our proven path

of progress through freedom.
Now, I want you to pause with me and think about what that means.
is

freedom?

What is

progress?

What

How does freedom bring progress?

When words are thrown into the arena of politics, their meanings often
become confused.

And that is just what has happened to the word "freedom".

The con f usion began more than two decades ago when you were told that
your government has the power to give

you freedom -- to give you such things

as freedom from want and freedom from fear.
told

More recently, you have been

that government can make you free from poverty and free from insecurity.

Those who seek national office are now even beginning to promise you freedom
from worry and responsibility.
Of course, nobody want to be poor or worried or frightened or insecure.
But do you really believe that government
confident and secure?

can make you rich and happy and

Is that what you think freedom is, something somebody

in the White House can give you if he feels like it?
Do you really believe there is somebody so wise and prudent and powerful
that he can -- or will -- give you those things if you just put him in the
White House?

Do you really believe him when he tells you how smart and big-

hearted he is?
Of course you don•t.
(more)

(4)

You and

I

know

that

all

these

things

are

the

very opposite

founders and builders of this nation meant by freedom.

of what the

You and I

know that

the Declaration of Independence was written by men who had their bellies full

of oppressive government.

And the framers of the Constitution were determined

that we should never again have a government distant and arbitrary .
To them the meaning of freedom was clear.

It meant freedom from oppressive

government.
They wanted citizens to · be free to live their own lives, make their own
decisions -- yes, make their own mistakes and bear the responsibility for them.
They believed in the people.

They believed that the individual citizen was

competent to look after his own affairs.

They believed in the self-reliance,

enterprise, and initiative of the individual and family.

They knew that

progress would come from -- indeed meant nothing more than -- fulfillment of
the whole man in a society of liberty and opportunity.
These men -- these founders and builders of our mighty republic - were no idle dreamers.

They were hard-headed and practical men.

were men of vast wisdom.

And they

They knew that liberty without order would become the

license of the mob and the jungle.

There must be government to maintain

law and order, to protect person and property, to enforce private contracts,
to encourage freer and more effective markets at home and abroad, and to
provide monetary stability.
And, yes, they knew government must stand ready to aid the helpless and
support those in need.
These wise men wanted a governmetn of compassion, leadership,

and restraint.

To preserve freedom, government must, they knew, be both limited and dispersed.
It must be close to the people.
responsible to the people.

Only in this way can government be kept

Only in this way can government be kept from

becoming so arbitrary and so strong that it threatens freedom.

.Only

in this

way can there be variety, creative diversity, and experimentation in policies
healthy competition between units of government.
This was their great vision.

For many years it guided our way.

But

over the last three decades, government has increasingly become master, not
servant.

Increasingly, power has been gravitating to the White House, away

from our towns, counties, cities, and states.
been engulfing our precious resources.
fmore)

Increasingly, government has

(S)

If I

said to you that the

grow and not to grow,

central government will t e l l you what crops

to

and will fly helicopters over your land to check up

on you --

If I told you the central government will make decisions about your
local schools and whether or not your children shall pray in them
If I said to you that the central government will make vital decisions
about your children when they are young and your parents when they are old -If I said to you that the central government will tell you how much to
pay those you hire and how much to charge for what you sell
If I told you all these things, what country would you think I was
talking about?
What is happening to us, anyway?
Are we determined to rush headlong into the swampland of centralized
collectivism?

Do we really want the socialist state that Hubert Horatio

Humphrey and his Americans for Democratic Action offer to us?
I say, no.

And I think you do, too.

You and I know that this nation of ours has grown great and strong
and prosperous through its free economy.
Private property, free competition, hard work -- these have powered the
engine of progress.
Our system has preserved and protected our freedom, our right to disagree,
our creative diversity, our independence.from arbitrary intervention in
private affairs.
And it has been a mighty engine of progress.

It has enabled the people

of this country to rise from a small but independent citizenry scratching
out a hard living on the margins of a great continent, to a multitude spanning
the continent and living at a level that is the envy of the world.
Progress through freedom · has been our heritage.

It must remain our

guide and our goal.
And you and I know that the immediate task before us is to cut the federal
government down to size.
federal spending.

We must -- and we can -- stop the reckless growth in

We must take Lyndon's credit card away from him and keep it

out of the grasp of Hubert Horatio.

We must use the growth of the economy to

provide relief to our citizens from oppressive federal taxes.

Your increased

earnings should belong to you, and be available for your own use and for
(more)

(6)

financing a c t i v i t i e s best hand1ed a t the

state and 1oca1 1eve1 .

You will also agree that we must get the federal bureau cr a cy out

of

the

business of running your local affairs through the more than a hundred grant-

in-aid programs now in effect.

These grants-with- strings , pulled in the White

House, must be replaced by grants-without- strings .

These would give each state

resources needed for use within the state, free of control by the federal
bureaucracy.
And when we do these things, the President and Congress will be able to
attend to their critical job of looking after foreign relations, national
security, and the general welfare.
We must above all free our educational system from the control now
exercised in Washington.

Education should, of course, be encouraged and

promoted, but it should also be kept under the control of local governments
or private organizations.

Both goals can be met with a system of federal

tax credits to parents who bear the costs of education .
While attending to our liberties at home, we must also reclaim our
proud heritage as the land of promise for the oppressed and enslaved throughout the world.

Let our Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and our

living example inspire the down-trodden everywhere!
Let us make it crystal clear to Communist tyrants that we shall never
be satisfied with anything short of restoration of freedom and independence
to Captive Nations.

What Communist tyrants have stolen from peoples around

the globe -- in violation of solemn agreements - - they must restore to those
peoples.
This we must declare, for all to hear, if we are to keep faith with our
heritage of freedom and honor .
These are the guideposts that mark the way to progress through freedom .
You may choose this way, or you may choose the other one open to you .
The other is the way of the man who would be the Great Leader of his
own ·

'·

to me.

Society.

11

He opens up his arms and says,

11

Bring your troubles

I will take care of them for you."

You want more money for the potatoes you didn't grow?

He promises he'll

give it to you.
You want no responsibilities?
You want no worries?

Hem promises he'll do everything for you.

He promises he'll worry for you .
(more)

(7)

Relax and don't worry.

The Great Leader and h i s

for you all those things you find unpleasant

curious

crew wi11 do

to do for yourselves.

And a l l

he asks is that you give him more and more power over your lives -- more and

more without end.
Never mind the wise statesman who once warned us:
and absolute power corrupts absolutely."
meant for another age.

"Power corrupts,

That's old-fashioned.

That was

This is the modern world, a world that you -- and

you -- and you -- are too weak or too dumb to cope with.

It's a Great

Leader you need -- a leader who is more clever than you are, and stronger by
far.

Put all the power in his hands, and he will give you "true" freedom

which the old-fashioned call slavery.

And then you won't need to be con-

cerned about your oppressed brethren elsewhere in the world.
Is this all a fantastic nightmare?

You have a choice to make.
I

have faith in you.

I

Think about it a minute.

Which way will you choose?

know which way you will choose.

And with your

help and with God's blessing, I will bring the country back to the proven
path of progress through freedom.

we will stop the spread of socialism

at home and Communism abroad.
--- 30- --

FROM:

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL
l.625 Eye S t r e e t

Washington,

D.C.

COMMITTEE

20006

FOR RELEASE
6:30 P.M. MONDAY

October 26, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT MADISON SQUARE GARDEN, NEW YORK CITY,

OCTOBER 26, 1964, BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER
REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

I can't help wondering,

sometimes, if you've asked yourselves why my

campaign is what it is .
I wonder, my fellow Americans, if you think I don't know what views would
be most popular.

Do you think I don't know what Labor wants to hear, what

Management wants to hear, what housewives and diplomats and white collar
workers want to hear?
Do you honestly think, after all these years in politics, that I don't
know

the easy ways to get votes?

The promises to make?

The subjects to

talk about -- and the ones to avoid?
Well, I do!
Let me tell you -- it's impossible to live in Washington these days and
not learn these things.
Well, then, you ask why don't I take the easy way?
There are a couple of reasons.

First of all, if I

just went around

telling people what they wanted to hear, I'd sound like Lyndon Baines Johnson.
And I still think the American people are entitled to a choice.
But more important, if I had to cater to every special interest in the
country to get elected, : wouldn't want the job.
If you ever hear me quoted in this campaign, saying soothing and comforting
words about how wonderful everything is in the world and how secure the peace
is and how strongly and firmly we stand as the leaders of Freedom -- look again
because somebody is kidding you!
If you ever hear me quoted as wildly and irresponsibly promising that
wages will go up and prices down, that taxes will go down and spending up, that
more and more power in the Federal Government means more and more freedom for
the people -- look again because somebody is kidding you!
(more)

-- -

(2)

If

you

ever

hear

bussing your children

me

quoted

as

promising

to

make

you

free

by

forcibly

from your chosen neighborhood school to some other one

just to meet an arbitrary racial quota -- look again because somebody is

kidding you!
Now let's get down to some basics.
I want to see an American nation

and people that are healthy, sound,

prosperous, free, secure, and progressive.

I would hope that the interim

President feels the same way.
The differences between us is the I say

these things are best attained

and furthered through the free enterprise and individual liberty upon which
this nation was founded -- the free enterprise and individual liberty that
account for our growth to greatness.
I have a deep faith in the manhood of American men -- and in American
women.
There was a time when references to the principles that guided our
founding fathers were considered the very essence of Americanism -- when the
style of freedom that Americans have fought and died for was considered the
hope of the world .
If this is no longer true, then perhaps it is time for government by decree.

Perhaps it is time to mold public opinion rather than ask for it.

Per-

haps it is time for the people to come straggling back inside the protective
walls and settle down to squabbling over their shares of the public dole.

As

long as they're fed three times a day, they can always be reminded that they
enjoy "freedom" from hunger .
You know, once before a great and self-governing people gave up their
liberty -- a liberty far less than ours.

They put themselves in the hands

of their leader, asking only to be fed and entertained.
votes for "bread and circuses".
We call them Romans.

They traded their

They traded their Senate for an Emperor.

They lost their nation when they traded away

their freedom .
Let me refresh you memory about freedom.

For thirty years your own

government has been changing the meaning of the word.
us it meant freedom from want and fear.

They began by telling

They have now begun to suggest that

it means freedom from poverty and unemployment.

Soon, no doubt, it will mean

freedom from work, from responsibility -- even from worry.
(more)

(3)

My

forget,

friends,

these

are

the

rewards of

freedom,

not

freedom

itself.

Never

there was o n l y o freedom
ne
- - only one freedom - - on which this nation

That was freedom from government -- from too much, oppressive

was founded.
government.

Those now in power would like us to forget that the right guaranteed
us all was not happiness, but the pursuit of happiness •.
I ask you tonight, what is happening to us?
Sometimes I think we should pity them because I'm not sure they know what
they're doing.

But it is a fact that Lyndon Johnson and his curious crew seem

to believe that progress in this country is best served simply and directly
through the ever-expanding gift power of the everlastingly growing federal
government.
that's a much easier

One thing we all know -- and I assure you I do:
way to get votes than my way.

It always has been.

It's political Daddyism

and it's as old as demogogues and despotism.
You want something for nothing?

The Federal Government will give it to

you.
You want to avoid responsibility for bringing up your children and
educating them?

The Federal Government will take over.

You want to duck the job of facing your local problems and solving them?
The Federal Government will do it for you.
Never mind the fact that the power and the money to do these things has
to be taken

!.£2!!! you before the Federal Government can do them for you.

Every

step in this direction is a loss of freedom for you!
Relax.

Don't worry.

The Federal Government will do for you all those

things you find unpleasant to do for yourselves.
will grow more powerful .

And daily that government

Daily it will enter new businesses and practices,

new areas of private enterprise, where it has no place.
And daily its leaders will expand their power to buy your votes and elect
their own successors.

Yes, expand their power over you, the people, far

beyond anything ever dreamed of by the framers of our constitution.

And

daily freedom goes down the drain.
And always, they are driving and confusing you with the basic dishonesty
that permeates so much political campaigning.
(more)

-4I

a

speak of peace.

Your

war -- which is ridicu1ous,

-

interim President t e l l s you

I

want t o

start

and you know i t .

I speak of strengthening the Social Security system.

Your interim

President tells you I want to destroy it -- which is ridiculous, and
you know it.
I refer to the fundamental principles on which our great country was
founded.

My opposition tells you I am living in the past -- which is

ridiculous, and you know it.
When I demand a more discriminating and practical foreign aid policy,
the word is that Barry Goldwater is an isolationist -- which I'm not, and
you know it.

You know we need a more a·iscrirninating and practical foreign

aid policy.
Well, my friends, a man -- an intelligent man -- can carry on this
silly political double talk just so long.
can listen to just so much of it.

And it seems to me the voters

And I think you're reaching the end of

your rope.
I am determined to penetrate the smokescreen that's been placed between
you and me the only way I know ho,w -- by continuing to stand straight and
talk straight.
I

do recognize that there is a natural, human wish in the hearts of

some people to find relief from worry, from fear, from the responsibilities
of being people.
It is this very wish that makes them surrender their initiative and
their independence in return for empty promises.
Empty promises are cheap -- and cheaper by the dozen.
I, for cne, am an ordinary mortal who cannot bring himself to make
these unkeepable promises.

I believe that the things we must do can only

be done by truly free people, governing themselves.
I want to see us do it that way.

I'm not ready for the Federal Gov-

ernment to take over those things which we haven't yet done, or even tried.
I am not yet prepared to say that our inner needs -- the needs to be
looked after and protected and shielded and mothered -- are going to force
(more)

-sus, as they have other peoples, to give to our central government in

Washington the same kind of power from which we bravely revolted

in

the

first place.
I believe in the great American Dream.
but not driven

I say we can be a people led

governed, but not ruled -- organized, but not regimented

taxed, but not bled.

I believe we were right when we decided that freedom meant being free
and that freedom is an endowment -- a gift from God -- when we founded
not a government, but a more perfect union.

I believe that the hope of the world rests not with the American
Government -- but with the American people.
And now, perhaps you 'd like to have me do a little political forecasting for you.

Everyone else has been doing it.

Let me begin by telling you about some of the votes I'm not going
to get.
The Nazi and Fascist types -- the bigots -- are not going to vote for
me because my grandfather was a Polish Jew.

But do we want these votes!

The Communists and radical left-wingers are not going to vote for
me because I don't believe we should let the Communists frighten us out
of our freedom.

But do we want these votes?

The lazy, dole-happy people who want to feed on the fruits of somebody else's labor won't vote for me.

But do we want these votes?

The Socialist, ADA-type followers of Hubert Horatio Humphrey are
not going to vote for me.

The ones who don't care if the Social Security

system goes bankrupt as long as it keeps making more and more unkeepable
promises -- the ones who are willing to believe that Communism can be
"accommodated".

None of them will vote for me.

But do we want these

votes?
Now, may I tell you who, I believe, will vote for me?
People who take the trouble to reread, thoughtfully, the Declaration
of Independence and the Constitution of the United States will vote for
me.

They're the people who realize that too much government, no matter

how juicy the promises sound, is against their best interest.
(more)

-6-

People who have 1earned to be

suspicious

of never-ending promises

of

"something for nothing" -- they wil.l vote for me.

People who have the courage and the intelligence to listen to the

truth, and think about it .

People whose votes can't be bought .

They'll

vote for me.
People who are sick to death of politicians coming out in favor of
happiness and declaring war . on misery.

People who are fed up with so -

called leade-s of government promising to legislate worry out of exis tence.

People who will listen for a little while to such transparent,

vote-grabbing demagoguery and say -- "Baloney."
They'll vote for me.
But most of all, it will be the people who know that something must
be done.
When our Central Intelligence Agency reports our international prestige is already below the peril point, something must be done.

Johnson is

stalling because elections are coming.
Consider that dragged-out disarmament conference, laboring under the
grave danger of commitments without adequate safeguards of compliance.
Something must be done.
Johnson has adjourned the conference until after the election.
Americans are dying in Vietnam.

He sits tight and silent until after

the election.
Americans are dying in Vietnam.

He sits tight and silent until after

the election.
Critical questions face the General Assembly of the United Nations.
Will Russia be made to pay her debts to the U.N. or will they be forgiven.
Johnson has postponed the opening session until after the election.
Think of Bobby Baker, Matt Mccloskey, Billie Sol Estes -- .the 150
quickie security clearance and other lax security practices disclosed by
the Otepka Hearings.

But Lyndon Johnson clamps on the lid until after the

election.
The Defense Department, the State Department, the White House itself -they all might as well wear large signs saying "Closed Till after Election."
(more)

(7)

Now t h a t

announcing

the

they

aren't

success

of

busy.

The

Department of

some missile

Eisenhower's Administration.

Defense

has

been

c=sy

and radar projects begun under President

The State Department has been busy avoiding

issues and postponing critica1 business.

And the White House goes night and

day, directing the strategy and making excuses -- claiming credit for all
that's good and pleading ignorance of all that's evil.
Our government is in a state of moratorium until "after the election."
And the office of President is being occupied, on a part time basis, by the
interim President, who's busy sweeping the business of his office under the
rug with Bobby Baker, Billie Sol Estes, Matt Mccloskey, and goodness knows what
else, until after election.
What kind of a private club are these people running?
is it anyway?

Who's government

I say its yours, not theirs.

People who know that the White House goes begging for a full time tenant,
who know that it must be occupied by a President of the people, not by a
wheeler-dealer -- people who know that giveaway promises can't promises can't
cover up a policy of drift, deception and defeat -- these people are
going
to do something about it.
That means you.
One last question:
If I said to you tonight that the Federal Government will tell you what
business you can be in -- what profits you can make -- where you can be in
business.
-- If I tell you that the federal government will make decisions about
schools and whether or not your child can pray in them; or if your child
will

attend a particular school to satisfy a slide rule quota.
If I say to you that the Federal Government will make vital decisions

about your children when they're young and your parents when they're old.
-- If I tell you that the Federal Government will tell you how much to pay
those you hire and what to charge for the things you sell.
-- If I told you tonight that the Federal Government will deny you the
other side of every right -- such as the r i g h t n to
o t associate, as well
as the right to associate.
-- If I told you all those things, what country would you think I was
talking about?
Well, I'm talking about America!

Today!

With God's blessing, let's get it back!

--30--

FROM:

REPUBLICAN

1625 Eye

NATIONAL

Street,

Washington,

D.

N.

C.

COMMITTEE

W.

20006

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
AT 6:30 P.M . TUESDAY

October 27 , 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH IN CLEVELAND AUDITORIUM,

BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN

CLEVELAND. OHIO, OCTOBER 27, 1964

CANDIDATE

FOR PRESIDENT OF

THE U.S.

My fellow Americans, we have come to the final days of this campaign.
And I'm impressed with how clear the issues have become -- I'm impressed
because I know just how hard it has been to get my message past the many
obstacles and filters that have been put between us.
But obviously, not all the barriers in the world could keep you from
seeing what stares you in the face -- and what you know in your hearts.
Take a good _look.

You can't help seeing how far this nation of ours

has drifted away from constitutional government, away from moral order, away
from peace, and away from freedom.
Just think about it for a moment.

Do you want my opponent to

11

let us

continue"?
We simply can't continue

unless we want to commit national suicide.

We have to chart a new course of peace and freedom, of morality and constitutional order.

We must stop the spread of socialism at home and

Communism abroad.
And that, my fellow Americans, is why I'm running for the Presidency
of the United States.
Stop and think a moment.

What kind of a President do you really want?

Do you want a President who will twist arms, manipulate power, and take
more and more control over your lives?
Do you want a man who will spend and spend -- and borrow and borrow -and tax and tax?
Do you want a President who won't bother to find out if his closest
advisers are security risks -- even though the survival of our country depends
on the secrets they possess?
(more)

-.2-

Do you want

a

P r e s i d e n t who will

sit

id1y by whi1e crime

g r o w sf i v e

times faster than popu1ation?

Who wi11 follow

a foreign policy

of drift, deception, and defeat --

trusting our Communist enemies and mistreating our free world friends?
Do you want a President who will promise anything and everything, just
to buy the job -- promise even to free you from ail your responsibilities?
Do you really think the President of the United States should be this
kind of person?
Just think about

it for a moment.

Don 't you want a President who,

above all, respects the Constitution -- who respects the independence of
the other branches of government, and the rights of our sovereign states?
Don't you want a President who opposes the forced bussing of children
from their normal neighborhood schools -- who opposes the principle of forced
integration as well as forced segregation?
Don't you want a President who will cut your federal government down
to size, who will run an honest Administration staffed with men of integrity
who will make his Administration live within its means?
Don't you want a President who will place national security before
everything else, who will keep the peace through a responsible policy of
strength and high purpose -- who will give back to our nation the dignity,
respect, and prestige that it deserves?
You're being asked by my opponent .and his curious crew to vote for
everything under the sun -- for everything but the American way.
Let's vote for the American way.

How about voting for freedom this

time?
Now, I want you to pause with me and think about what that means.
What is

freedom?

When words are thrown into the arena of politics, their meanings often
become confused.

And that is just what has happened to the word "freedom."

The confusion began more than two decades ago when you were told that
your government has the power t o gyou
i vfreedom
e y -- to give you such things
as freedom from want and freedom from fear.

Those who seek national office

are now even beginning to promise you freedom from worry and responsibility.
Of course, nobody wants to be poor or worried or frightened.
(more)

But

do

you

and confident?

reaily believe

Is

that what

that

government

you think freedom

the White House can give you i f he fee1s like

you

rich

can

make

and

happy

is ,

something somebody in

it?

Do you really believe there is somebody so wi se and prudent a n d powerful

that he can -- or will -- give you those things if you just put him in the
White House?

Do you really believe him when he tells you how smart and

big-hearted he is?
Of course you don't.
You and I know that all these things are the very opposite of what the
founders and builders of this nation meant by freedom.

You and I know that

the Declaration of Independence was written by men who had their bellies
full of oppressive government .

And the framers of the Constitution were

determined that we should never again have a government distant and arbitrary .
To them the meaning of freedom was clear .

It meant freedom from

oppressive government.
That's why they gave us our most precious political gift; a government
that is limited and dispersed - - a government that is close to the people it
serves.

That's why they gave us a Bill of Rights , spelling out the powers

specifically denied to government .
Let us never forget that those rights are constantly in danger, not
only from frontal assault but also from erosion through unintentional
neglect and disregard.
citizen

No person -- whether government official or private

should violate the rights of some in order to further the rights

of others.
But isn't that very thing happening more and more across this land of
ours?

I fear it is.

And the worst thing about it is that we are being

asked to destroy the rights of some under the false banner of promoting
the "civil rights" of others.
We only cloud the issue by labelling the real problem before us as one
of "civil rights."

A man's civil rights are those he has in relation to his

government, not in relation to his fellow man .

Of course, government should

not discriminate among citizens on irrelevant grounds such as color, creed,
or religion .

And no national political leader believes it should .
(more)

-4-

All

good Americans agree

must be realized.

that

the rights

guaranteed by the Constitution

And, as I have said so many times and repeat once again ,

the President must execute his office and exercise his moral leadership to

make sure that this is the case .
Congress must also take action to remedy defects in the laws dealing
with genuine civil rights, and that is why I voted for and supported the
acts of 1957 and 1960.

These laws gave needed protection and security to

every citizen 's right to vote in federal elections, regardless of race or
creed.

Nothing less would be faithful to our Constitution.

But the fundamental issue of our day -- the new area into which the
is a different one .

act of 1964 dangerously treads

unfair discrimination in the private affairs of men.
opposed to such discrimination.
no lasting solution.
want to.

It is the issue of
I am unalterably

But I also know that government can provide

No law can make one person like another if he doesn't

Government can do little more than offer moral leadership and

persuasion.

The ultimate solution lies in the hearts of men.

It is often said that only the freedom of a member of a minority is
violated when some barrier keeps him from associating with others in his
society.

But this is wrong.

it is nothing at all.
each other.

Freedom of association is a double freedom or

It applies to both parties who want to associate with

And so the barriers infringe the freedom of everybody in the

society, not just the minorities.
Now, the removal of such barriers enhances freedom.

That is clear.

But it is equally clear that freedom is diminished when barriers are raised
against the freedom D.Q1. to associate.

We must never forget that the freedom

.
to associate means the same thing as the freedom not to associate.

It is

wrong to erect legal barriers against either side of this freedom.
We are forced to only one conclusion.

As far as the government is

concerned, it must ensure freedom of association, but it cannot and should
not ensure association itself .

That is a matter that must be mutually and

freely decided by the individuals involved.

It is a matter of the heart

and conscience.
And so I endorse the position of the Republican Platform of 1964 on
the bussing of school children.
(more)

-5I

say with

the

Platform t h a t

it

i s wrong t o t a k e

school

children

out

of their normal. neighborhood school.s for the sake of achieving "racial.

balance,"

or some other hypothetical. goal. of perfect equal.ity imagined by

the theorists of the so-called "Great Society."

It

is wrong -- morally

wrong -- because it re-introduces through the back door the very principle
of allocation by race that makes compulsory segregation morally wrong and
offensive to freedom.
The bussing of school children is only one example of ·doctrinaire and
misguided equalitarianism.

If we extend the principle to its logical end,

we are compelled to use racial quotas as a substitute for the principle of
equal opportunity in every aspect of social lift.

Why not move families

from one neighborhood to another so that quotas set by some bureaucrat somewhere will be everywhere met?

Or workers from one job to another? or

business men, or government officials, or any group of any description?

Is

this what we have in mind when we speak of freedom and equal opportunity?
Of course not.

Our aim, as I understand it, is neither to establish a

segregated society nor to establish an integrated society.

Our aim is to

preserve a free society.
Let us never forget that our people came here as immigrants from all
over the world.

Each minority group -- including my own -- faced some degree

of discrimination as it arrived and took root in our society.

And each

overcame the obstacles of discrimination because -- when all is said -America is the land of opportunity.
While attending to our liberties at home, let us reclaim our proud
heritage as the land of promise for the oppressed and enslaved throughout
the world.

Let our Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and our

living example inspire the downtrodden everywhere!
And more than that, let us display through deeds -- and not through
empty slogans -- our compassion for the victims of tyranny.

Let us resolve

never again to give aid to the godless Communist enslavers of captive
peoples anywhere -- in Poland, in Yugoslavia, or in the Soviet Union itself.
Let us resolve never again to slam the door on that last hope of the
oppressed -- the freedom to leave the country of oppression.
Let us resolve never to permit the shame of another Berlin Wall.
(more)

And

let

us

welcome t o

our

shores

those

victims

of

fortunate enough to escape from the Captive Nations.

Soviet

enslavement

Let us once again be

the warm haven of those seeking freedom and equal opportunity.
Let us make it crystal clear to Communist tyrants that we shall never
be satisfied with anything short of restoration of freedom and independence
to Captive Nations.

What Communist tyrants have stolen from peoples around

the globe -- in violation of solemn agreements -- they must restore to
those peoples.
This we must declare, for all to hear, if we are to keep faith with
our heritage of freedom and honor.
Yes, ours is the heritage of a free society.

To remain free, we must

have a government of leadership, restraint, s.!lll compassion .

It must always

stand ready to aid the needy and support the helpless.
I will also make sure that the federal government follows a responsible fiscal policy and preserves the value of the dollar.

My Administration

will put an end to the inflationary policy of perpetual deficit spending.
I will never do anything to endanger the benefits of those who rely

on social security payments.

That is, and always has been, my solemn pledge.

These are the guideposts that mark the way to progress through freedom.
You may choose this way, or you may choose the other one open to you.
The other is the way of the man who would be the Great Leader of his
own

11

Great Society.

to me.
11

11

He opens up his arms and says, "Bring your troubles

I will take care of them for you."

You want peace?

I'll aid, appease, and accommodate the Communists

for you.
"You want more money for the potatoes you didn't grow?

I'll give it

.to you.
"You want no responsibilities?
"You want no worries?
Relax and don't worry.

"

I'll do everything for you.

11 worry for you. 11

The Great Leader and his curious crew will do

for you all those things you find unpleasant to do for yourselves.

And all

he asks is that you give him more and more power over your lives -- more
and more without end.
Never mind the wise statesman who once warned us:

"Power corrupts --

absolute power corrupts absolutely." That's old-fashioned.
{more) _

-7-

That was meant

for

another age.

This

is

the modern wor1d,

a

wor1d

that you -- and you -- and you -- are too weak or too dumb to cope with.

It's a Great Leader you need -- a leader who is more clever than you
are, and stronger by far.

Put all the power in his hands, and he will give

you "true" freedom -- which we used to call slavery.

And then you won't

need to be concerned about your oppressed brethren elsewhere in the world.
Is this all a fantastic nightmare?
You have a choice to make.

Think about it a minute.

Which way will you choose?

Will you choose the way that continues the spread of socialism at home
and Communism abroad?
Or will you join with me and stop the spread of socialism at home and
Communism abroad?
I have faith in you.

I know which way you will choose.

And with your

help and with God's blessing, I will bring the country back to the proven
path of progress through freedom.
-30-

r

Republic

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
October 29, 1964
FOR RELEASE

).

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA

OCTOBER 29, 1964, BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER
REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

My fellow Americans, we have come to the final days of this campaign.
And I'm impressed with how clear the issues have become -- I'm impressed be
cause I know just how hard it has been to get my message past the many
obstacles and filters that have been put between us.
But obviously, not all the barriers in the world could keep you from
seeing what stares you in the face -- and what you know in your hearts.
Take a good look.

You can't help seeing how far this nation of ours

has drifted away from constitutional government, away from moral order, away
from peace, and away from freedom.
Just think about it for a moment.

Do you want my opponent to "let us

continue"?
We simply can't continue

unless we want to commit national suicide.

We have to chart a new course of peace and freedom, of morality and constitutional order.

We must stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism

abroad.
And that, my fellow Americans, is why I'm running for the Presidency
of the United States.
Stop and think a moment.

What kind of a President do you really want?

Do you want a President who will twist arms, manipulate power, and take
more and more control over your lives?
Do you want a man who will spend and spend -- and borrow and borrow -and tax and tax?
Do you want a President who won't bother to find out if his closest
advisers are security risks -- even though the survival of our country depends
on the secrets they possess?
Do you want a President who will sit idly by while crime grows five
times faster than population?

(more)

-

Who will

follow

-2- -

a foreign policy of drift, deception, and defeat -

trusting our Communist enemies and mistreating our free world friends?
Do you want a president who will promise anything and everything,

just to buy the job - promise even to free you from all you responsibilities,
Do

you really think the President of the United States should be

this kind of person?
Just think about it for a moment.

Don't you want a President who,

above all, respects the Constitution - who respects the independence
of the other three branches cf government, and the rights of our
sovereign states?
Don't you want a President who will cut your federal government
down to size, who will run an honest administration staffed with men of

integrity - who will make his administration live within its means?
Don't you want a president who will place national security
before everything else, who will keep the peace through a responsible
policy of strength and high purpose - who will give back to our nation
the dignity, respect, and prestige that it deserves?

But how can we rebuild prestige abroad when, at home, the very
men charged with administration of our foreign policy are working in an
atmosphere of doubt and doubletalk?
The case of

And I mean our State Department.

Otto Otepka represents a shocking example of lax

security in our State Department.

But there is an even more disturbing

aspect of the ordeal of Otto F. Otepka.

In this case, we see the

evidence of harassment and persecution of Chief Security Evaluator
Otto Otepka because he dared to tell the truth about lax security
practices in the State Department.
There is the proof - and now even the admissions - that three
high-level state Department officials harassed Otepka with a wire-tap
on his telephone, a bug on his room conversations and a general surveillance of his actions.
(more)

-

3

-

There is proof now - and even the admissions - that the se three

high State Department officials gave untruthful and evasive testimony
under oath in denying that they had put any listening device on Otepka ' s
telephone or that they had any knowledge of such activity.
What is most shocking is the fact that the Secretary of State has
not taken proper effective action to straighten out this mess - this har assment

and

this giving of untruthful testimony under oath by high

State Department officials .
After a Senate Committee exposed the harassment of Otepka and the
untruthful testimony under oath about this harassment, did we find secretary of State Dean Rusk moving quickly to make it clear that the cruel
abuse would not be tolerated?

No.

Did we find Secretary of state Dean

Rusk acting quickly to demonstrate that he would punish severly those
who gave untruthful testimony under oath?
Two

No, we did not.

of the three men were permitted to resign.

We are told that no

black mark was placed on their record indicating disapproval of either
the harassment or the untruthful testimony .

One of the officials who

gave untruthful and misleading testimony under oath has been permitted
to continue in a high position in the State Department.
Is this a picture of integrity in high offices at the State
Department?

Is this an example that will encourage truthful testimony

and honest handling of the government's business?

It is not.

This is the condoning of the actions of liars and the brutal
misusers of government power to cover up the truth about laxity in the
state Department security programs.
This is not a matter that has come up recently.
has been pending for more than a year.

It is a case that

.

There has been sufficient time

for secretary of state Rusk to learn the truth and to take the decent and
honorable action necessary to create an atmosphere of honesty and inte grity in our State Department.
Instead, Dean Rusk continues to try to fire Otto Otepka - the man
who was willing to tell the truth before a committee of Congress.
(more)

-

Instead,

brutal

Dean Rusk has

-4-

-

coddled the l i a r s ,

the wire-tappers,

the

abusers of government power who tried to rai1road Otepka .

But, the final

responsibi1ity goes higher.

The fina1 responsibi1ity

is with Lyndon Johnson who has been informed about this case for many
months but has done nothing but delay decisions. until after the election .
Taken alone, the treatment of Otepka is bad enough.

When it is

viewed in the context of the cover-up cf the Bobby Baker matter, the
Billie Sol Estes matter, and the casual reaction to the Jenkins affair
it is indeed a sordid picture.

What can we expect at lower levels in

government if this is the shabby code of conduct that prevails at the
Cabinet level, in the State Department, and in the White House?
You're being asked by my opponent and his curious crew to vote for
everything under the sun - for everything but the American way.
Let• s vot.e for the American way.
this

How about voting for freedom

time?
Now, I want

you to pause with me and think about what that means.

What is freedom?
More than two

decades ago, you were told that your government has

the power to give you freedom - to give you such things as freedom from
want and freedom from fear.

Those who seek national office are now even

beginning to promise you freedom from worry and responsibility.

But do

you really believe that government can make you rich and happy and confident?

Is that what you think freedom is, something somebody in the

White House can give you if he feels like it?

Of course, you don't.

You and I know that all these things are the very opposite of what
the founders and builders of this nation meant by freedom.

You and I

know that the Declaration of Independence was written by men who had
their bellies full of oppressive government.
And the framers of the Constitution were determined that we should
never again have a government distant and arbitrary.
(more)

(5)

To

them

the

meaning

of

freedom was

-·

c1ear.

I t meant

freedom

from oppressive government.

That's why they gave us our most precious political gift; a
government that is limited and dispersed -- a government that is
close to the people it serves.
What has my opponent had to say about preserving the rights
granted in the Constitution?
Let us never forget that those rights are constantly i . danger,
not only from frontal assault but also from erosion through unintentional
neglect and disregard.

No person -- whether government official or

private citizen -- should violate the rights of some in order to further
the rights of others.
But isn't that the very thing happening more and more across this
land of ours?

I fear it is.

And the worst thing about it is that we

are being asked to destroy the rights of some under the false banner
of promoting the "civil rights" of others.
We only cloud the issue by labeling the real problem before us
as one of "civil rights".

A man's civil rights are those he has in

relation to his government, not in relation to his fellow man.

Of

course, government should not discriminate among citizens on irrelevant
grounds such as color, creed, or religion.

And no national political

leader believes it should.
All good Americans agree that the rights guaranteed by the
Constitution must be realized.

And, as I have said so many times and

repeat once again, the President must execute his office and exercise
his moral leadership to make sure that this is the case.
congress must also take action to remedy . defects in the laws
dealing with genuine civil rights, and that is why I voted for and
supported the acts of 1957 and 1960.

These laws gave needed protection

and security to every citizen's right to vote in Federal elections,
regardless of race or creed.

Nothing less would be faithful to our

constitution.
(more)

(6)

But the

fundamental

issue of our day - - the new area into which

the act of l964 dangerously treads -- is a different one.

It is the

issue of unfair discrimination in the private affairs of men.
unalterably opposed to such discrimination
ment can provide no lasting solution.
another if he doesn't want to.

But I also know that govern-

No law can make one person like

Government can do little more than offer

moral leadership and persuasion.
hearts of

I am

The ultimate solution lies in the

men .

It is often said that only the freedom of a member of a minority
is violated when some barrier keeps him from associating with others
in his society.
freedom

But this is wrong.

or it is nothing at all.

to associate with each other.

Freedom of association is a double

It applies to both parties who want

And so the barriers infringe the freedom

of everybody in the society, not just the minorities.
We are forced to only one conclusion.

As far as the government

is concerned, it must ensure freedom of association, but it cannot
and should not ensure association itself.

That is a matter that must

be mutually and freely decided by the individuals involved.

It is a

matter of the heart and conscience.
And so I endorse the position of the Republican platform of 1964
on the busing of school children .•
I say with the platform that it is wrong to take school children out
of their normal neighborhood schools for the sake of achieving "racial
balance," or some other hypothetical goal of perfect equality imaged by
the theorists of the so-called "great society."

It is wrong -- morally

wrong -- because it re-introduces through the backdoor the very principle
of allocation by race that makes compulsory segregation morally wrong
and offensive to freedom.
(more)

(7)

The

business

of

school

misguided equalitarianism.

are compelled

children

is

only one

examp1e

of d o c t r i n a i r e

If we extend the princip1e to i t s logical

and

end, we

to use racia1 quotes as a substitute for the princip1e of

equal opportunity in every aspect of social life.

Why not move families from

one neighborhood to another so that quota set by some bureaucrat somewhere
will be everywhere met?

Or workers · from one job to another?

Or business

men, or government officials, or any group of any description?

Is this what

we have in mind when we speak of freedom and equal opportunity?
Of course not .

Our aim, as I understand it, is neither to establish a

segregated society nor to establish an integrated society.

Our aim is to

preserve a free society .
Let us never forget that our people came here as immigrants from all
over the world.

Each minority group -- including my own -- faced some

degree of discrimination as it arrived and took root in our society and each
overcame the obstacles of discrimination because -- when all is said -America is the land of opportunity.
While attending to our liberties at home, let us reclaim our proud
heritage as the land of promise for the oppressed and enslaved throughout
the world.

Let our Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and our

living example inspire the down-trodden everywhere.
And more than that, let us display through deeds -- and not through
empty slogans -- our compassion for the victims of tyranny.

Let us resolve

never again to give aid to the godless Communist enslavers of captive peoples
anywhere -- in Poland, in Yugoslavia, or in the Soviet Union itself.

Let us

res6lve never again to slam the door on that last hope of the oppressed -the freedom to leave the country of oppression.
Yes, ours is the heritage of a free society.

To remain free, we must

have a government of leadership, restraint, and compassion, it must always
stand ready to aid the needy and support the helpless.
I will also make sure that the Federal Government follows a responsible fiscal policy and preserves the value of the dollar.

My

Administration will put an end to the inflationary policy of perpetual
deficit spending.

I will never do anything to endanger the benefits of those who
rely on social security payments.
pledqe.

That is, and always has been, my solemn

(more)

-a-

These are the guideposts that make the way to progress through free-

dom.

You may choose this way, or you may choose the other one open to

you.

,
The other is the way of the man who would be the great leader of his

own great society.
to me.

He opens up his arms and says, bring your troubles

I will take care of them for you.

You want peace, I ' l l aid, appease, and accommodate the Communists
for you.
You want more money for potatoes you didn't grow?

I ' l l give it

to you.
You want no responsibilities?
want no worries,

I'll do everything for you.

You

I ' l l worry for you.

Relax and don't worry.

The great leader and his curious crew will

d o for you all those things you find unpleasant to do for yourselves.
And all he asks is that you give him more and more power over your lives,
more and more without end.
Never mind the wise stateman who once warned us:
absolute power corrupts absolutely."
That was meant for another age.

"power corrupts --

That's old-fashioned.
This is the modern world, a world

that you -- and you -- and you -- are too weak or too dumb to cope with.
It's a great leader you need - a leader who is more clever than you
are, and stronger by far.

Put all the power in his hands, and he will

give you "true" freedom -- which we used to call slavery.

And then you

won't need to be concerned about your oppressed brethren elsewhere in
the world.
Is this all a fantastic nightmare?
You have a choice to make.

Think about it a minute.

Which way will you choose?

Will you

choose the way that continues the spread of socialism at home and
Communism abroad?
Or will you join with me and stop the spread of socialism at home
and Communism abroad?
I have faith in you.

I know which way you will choose.

And with

your help and with God's blessing, I will bring the country back to the
proven path of progress through freedom.
---30---

-

FOR RELEASE
AUTOMATIC RELEASE
AT 8:30 P.M. EST, FRIDAY
October 30, 1964

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT THE SPORTS ARENA, LOS ANGELES, CALIF., OCTOBER 30, 1964
BY SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER, REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

You are here because you know that there is something wrong in our
land and in our world.
You and I want to do something about it.
something about it.

we know how.

we know that we can do

We know when.

November Third!

Let's make that the day that we Republicans, and Independent Democrats
everywhere, turn on the lights in the White House!
Lights of honesty.
people.

Lights of courage.

Lights of confidence in the

Lights of individual responsibility.

Let's make that the day we elect an American President who will tell
Communism that it is wrong!
I pledge that as President I ' l l make sure Communism that its wrong.
No, our grandchildren won't live under Communism!

fil2, Communism's children

will live under freedom!
I pledge that as your President, I will work with you to stop the
spread of socialism at home and the spread of Communism abroad.
You

remember that Communist doctrine promises to bury us.

The interim

President, Lyndon Baines Johnson, apparently doesn't remember.
even bother to mention Communism in his acceptance speech.

He didn't

.

But we remember Communism's boast and, no, it has never been taken
back.
we know that changes in Red leadership have never changed communism's
basic goals in the past.
And there is no believable evidence that the latest changes are any
different at all.
All right then, if Communism intends to bury us -- let us tell
communism loud and clear:

we're not going to hand you the shovel!
(more\

(2)

I f communism intends

to hang

us,

we're

not going to

tell

them the

rope!

we

say that the time has come to make the wealth of the free world work

for the security of the free world!
we say that foreign aid and foreign trade that bolsters Communism
while doing nothing to aid freedom, is merely foreign folly.
we say that the time has come to make the economy, the technology,
the psychological strength -- yes, the spiritual strength -- of the free
world start working for freedom's cause and against the cause of tyranny.
Of course, we must negotiate with Communist leaders -- but we must do
it with strength, not fear -- and on our terms for a change.
But what does the interim President, Lyndon Baines Johnson, have to
say about the cause of freedom?

When he launched his campaign, he described

the three elements of his so-called great society.

Prosperity, Justice,

and Peace.
What about freedom?

He didn't even mention it.

Of course we are all working for a society in which all may be well
fed, clothed, and housed!

But we want more.

we want to be free.

What about the other elements of the great LBJ pie-in-the-sky?
Justice?
freedom.

There can be justice in a prison -- if you forget about

And the interim President does forget about freedom.

Peace is the other element.
But we know that you

can have

No one wants peace more than we want peace.

peace by surrendering -- if you forget freedom.

And the interim President does forget freedom.
we have never forgotten freedom.

We will never forget freedom.

been talking about it across the length and breadth of this land.
the basic issue of this whole campaign.
forget freedom.

We've

It's

Let Lyndon Baines Johnson try to

Let him try to make you forget it.

We'll remember it.

And on November Third, even Lyndon will w i s h h e ' d

remembered it.
You know how empty political slogans have become.
We all want prosperity.

We all want progress.
(more)

We all want peace.

we all want -- everything.

(3)

our

job i s

to

look beyond

the words.

Our responsibility

is

to under-

stand what the politicians really mean when they say the words -- what they

.9.2. with the words when they get into office.
our responsibility is to heed the realities of what we can afford,
what we really need, and what we can properly ,9.2 through political means
at the federal level.
we have been spelling out what we mean.
afraid to debate them, to defend them.
which we stand.

We haven't said that we are

We're proud of the principles on

We're eager to debate them.

But not Lyndon Baines Johnson!
The theme of our campaign is clear.
Peace through preparedness.
Progress through freedom.
Purpose through constitutional order.
Peace is the first element.

But we mean peace through preparedness.

we mean the real peace that can be kept only with real strength.
we do not mean the sleepwalker peace that relies on unproven hopes
that relies on unproven hopes that the enemy will mellow.
we see the enemy, we see Communism for what it is -- not for what
some theorists wish it were!
we take Communism's deeds to mean at least as much as its words.
We know that Communism today is the only real threat to the peace.
We see it killing Americans in Vietnam.
island of Cuba.

We see it garrisoning the prison

we see it lighting the fuse of war in Malaysia.

we see

it fanning the flames of war in the Congo.
This Administration has failed utterly to bring us closer to peace!
Instead, by a foreign policy that shifts with every breeze, by a defense
policy that stresses our one-sided disarmament, this Administration has
tempted Communism to grow bolder to shove us closer to the brink of disaster
around the world.
We can have peace, and I pledge you every effort for peace.
peace must be based upon the preparedness of this country.
based upon the sands of indecision.
arsenal.

But real

It cannot be

It cannot be based upon a dwindling

It cannot be based upon abandoning efforts to protect ourselves

against attack.

(more)

(4)

No.

Peace is for those strong enough to keep i t .

That's what we pledge .

That 's wh a t we mean.

And that, unless I'm very wrong, is what you want

and is one of the government bills that you are willing and ready to pay!
This nation has gone to war three times in this century .
under a Republican President!

But not

Republicans always have understood how to

preserve freedom while keeping the peace!
And, despite the most strident and lie-filled campaign that the
opposition can launch, the next Republican President -- this Republican
President -- will keep the peace just as surely!
A major concern of ours has been the preparedness of this nation, the
ability of this nation to defend itself, to deter war -- the ability of its
soldiers, sailors, and airmen to protect themselves without being straitjacketed or stripped of weapons.
This Administration is trying to distort that concern so that you will
be frightened into thinking that we want a war.
There is no greater political lie.
We want peace.

And we know how to keep peace far better than the

present Administration with its policies of drift and crisis.
I have never suggested, nor would I as President move recklessly
with our great power.

But I would take every step to make sure that the

Communists did not move recklessly with theirs!

It is Communist power that

worries me!
I do not intend to be a wartime President.
sons and I do not want them in war.
children.

I know war.

I have two daughters.

I have two

I have grand-

I want none of them, or none of your children touched by war - -

or by slavery!
That•s why we want a strong America!
We want an America strong in more than weapons, however .
We want an America that is strong in its ability to create new jobs
and better jobs.

Our free enterprise system has proven that it can do it!

If we take the shackles off of it, free enterprise can continue to do
it.
(more)

(5)

This

Administration

talks

of

a

w a r on p o v e r t y

-- but

i t has

made

a

truce with unemployment!

Rather than seeking an expansion of rea1 jobs and rea1 wages, i t has

chosen the path of expanded federal programs, and. expanding federal jobs -and you pay the bill for both.
Your future and your children's future is mortgaged for both.
we can't spend ourselves rich.

But we can

if

work ourselves rich,

the federal government stops the cancerous growth that is eating away the
roots of our economic strength.
Never forget -- the government big enough to give you everything you
want, is also big enough take it all away. _
At the same time, we Republicans will never abandon the needy and the
aged.

we will never forsake the helpless.

But we know that true and lasting

solutions of their problems cannot be found in degrading, capricious, and
politically motivated handouts from the White House.
Those are the things we mean when we speak of progress t _h rough freedom.
Perhaps even closer to our hearts is what we mean when we speak of
purpose through constitutional order.
Leaders of the present Administration say that government is master of,
not servant of the people.
Responsibility has shifted from the family to the bureaucrat, from
the neighborhood to the distant agency.

Goals are set, roles are assigned,

promises are made -- all by the remote control of central government.

And

now, this same central government has even given you a number to replace
your name!
We want to give you your freedom and your names back again.

We want

to give the government of this nation back to the people of this nation.
An Administration that understands,rather than one that tries to
wreck the balances of constitutional power can do the job!
We do not want oppressive powers in the hands of the executive branch -or

the Supreme Court!

or
the

states.

to the states!

we don't want oppressive powers in the hands of congress

But we do want proper powers restored to the Congress and
We do want the proper balance between all branches and all

levels.
(more)

(6)

What

have we

been given by the

politicians

who

seek only the

of executive power or who we1come the assumption of legislative

enlargement

powers by

the Supreme Court?

What examples have been set, what lessons learned from that sort of
politician?
The shadow of scandal falls,

unlighted by full answers, across the

White House itself.
Public power and personal gain are talked of across the land -- but
not in official Washington where an official silence is imposed on such
matters as the case of Bobby Baker.
When a man like Bobby Baker seems to be protected by the full power
of the Presidency, we do not have to wonder why the fast buck and easy
morals have become the standards of the day for so many.
Why just the ether day, the interim President himself brought up the
fact that he had been elected to the Senate in 1948 by only a 87
margin.

vote

He joked about the knick-name this had won him -- "Landslide Lyndon".

Well, let me remind him that his Senate election in 1948 was no joke!
It remains one of the most hotly disputed elections in our history.
At least two former governors of Lyndon's own State of Texas have
been quoted as suggesting that this election involved possibly criminal
acts.
Many of our most reputable national magazines and newspapers have in
recent months printed accounts that indicated that more ballots were cast
than were distributed, that large numbers of voters cast their votes
after the polls were closed, that their ballots subsequently vanished and
that a legally contested recount was weighted with new votes for Lyndon
Johnson.
Lyndon Johnson's political power stopped a full investigation of that
election

just as it has stopped investigations of wrong-doing ever

since.
But Lyndon laughs about it!

Lyndon laughs at the people he wants to

lead like children into his personal Great Society.
This laughter of Lyndon's laughing at even one of the darkest elections
in our history downgrades the very political process that Lyndon seeks to
exploit for his personal power.
(more)

(7)

No wonder, then,

have

that

crime

grows

faster

than population.

That r i o t s

too often replaced reason.

we do not want and we do not need a Federal police force to restore
law and order in this land.

we need leadership and example that will

encourage law enforcement at the local level, .!lQj;_ obstruct

it,

not discourage

it, not incite people against it.
And in the field of civil rights, particularly, we need some honest
and some straight talk.
Civil rights are the rights a man ha s in relation to his government -not in relation to his fellow man.

Those relations are matters of conscience,

not of law.
No law can make one person like another.
And no consideration of freedom of association should ever ignore
the fact that the freedom to associate also must guarantee the freedom not
to associate.
Those are the elements of challenge and choice in this election.
Peace through preparedness.

Progress through freedom.

Purpose through

constitutional order.
Instead:
we have an Administration that talks big, but acts small:
That accuses other of recklessness even as it fumbles and bumbles
into wars, revolution s, and upheavals around the world:
-- That wants to control everyone politically, but cannot even inspire
them morally.
we want a change.

Freedom deserves a chance.

The White House needs some light!

The whole world needs some light.

And, God willing, we are going to turn the lights on -- and keep them
on!
---30--

I

FOR RELEASE

AUTOMATIC RELEASE
6: 30 P .M. , SATURDAY, EST
October 31, 1964

AT

CAMPAIGN SPEECH AT THE COLUMBIA TOWNSHIP AUDITORIUM, COLUMBIA,

S. C.

OCT. 31, 1964, BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER,
REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.

s.

My fellow Americans, we have come to the final days of this campaign.
And I'm impressed with how clear the issues have become - I'm impressed
because I know just how hard it has been to get my · message past the many
obstacles and filters that have been put between us.
But obviously, not all the barriers in the world could keep you from
seeing what stares you in the face - and what you know in your hearts.
Take a good look.

You can't help seeing how far this nation of ours

has drifted away from constitutional government, away from moral order, away
from peace, and away from freedom.
Just think about it for a moment.

Do

you want

my

opponent to "let us

continue"?
We simply can't continue - unless we want to commit national suicide.

We

have to chart a new course of peace and freedom, of morality and constitutional
order.

We must stop the spread of socialism at home and Communism abroad.

And that,

my

fellow Americans, is why I'm running for the Presidency of

the United States.
stop and think a 1r.oment.

What kind of a President do you really want?

Do you want a President'who will twist arms, manipulate power, and take

more and more control over your lives?
Do

you want a man who will spend and spend - and borrow and borrow - and

tax and tax?
Do

you want a President who will appoint to the supreme Court the kind

of men who will dictate whether or not your children can pray in school - or
(more)

-

2

-

how your states shall form their legislatures and apportion their districts?

Do you want a President who will surround himself with aides and com-

panions who are radicals of the left?
Do youwant a President who won't bother to find.out if his closest

advisers are security risks - even though the survival of our country depends
on the

secrets
Do

they possess?

you want a President who will sit idly by while crime grows five

times faster than population?
Who will follow a foreign policy of drift, deception, and defeat trusting our Communist enemies and mistreating our free world friends?
Do you want

a President who will promise anything and everything, just

to buy the job - promise even to free you from all your responsibilities.
Do you reallv think the President of the United States should be this
kind of person?
Just think about it for a moment.

Don't you want a President who, above

all, respects the Constitution - who respects the independence of the other
branches of government, and the rights of our sovereign states?
Don't you want a President who opposes the forced bussing of children
from their normal neighborhood schools - who opposes the principle of forced
integration as well as forced segregation?
Don'tyou want a President who will cut your federal government down to
size, who will run an honest Administration staffed with men of integrity - who
will Make his Administration live within its means?
Don't you want a President who will place national security before
everything else, who will keep the peace through a responsible policy of
strength and high purpose - who will

give back to our nation the dignity,

respect, and prestige that it deserves?
You're being asked by my opponent and his curious crew to vote for
everything under the sun - for everything but the American way.
Let's vote for the American way.

How about voting for freedom this time?

Now, I want you to pause with me and think about what that means.
is freedom?
(more)

What

When words

are

become confused.

thrown

And that

into

the

i s just

-

3

arena

of

their

politics

what has happened to

meanings

the word

often

"freedom."

The confusion began more than two decades ago when you were told that

your government has the power to give you freedom - to give you such things
as freedom from want and freedom from fear.

Those who seek national office

are now even beginning to promise you freedom from worry
and responsibility.
Of course, nobody wants to be poor or worried or frightened.

But do you

really believe that government can make you rich and happy and confident?

Is

that what you think freedom is, something somebody in the White House can
give you if he feels like it?
Do you really believe there is somebody so wise and prudent and powerful

that he can - or will - give you those things if you just put him in the White
House?

Do you really believe him when he tells you how smart and big-hearted

he is?
Of course you don't.
You and I know that all these things are the very opposite of what the
founders and builders of this nation meant by freedom.

You and I know that

the Declaration of Independence was written by men who had their bellies full
of oppressive government.

And the framers of the Constitution were determined

that we should never again have a government distant and arbitrary.
To them the meaning of freedom was clear.

It meant freedom from oppressive

government.
That's why they gave us our most precious gift:

a government that is

limited and dispersed - a government that is close to the people it serves.
That's why they gave us a Bill of Rights, spelling out the powers specifically
denied to government .
Let us never forget that those rights are constantly in danger, not only
from frontal assault but also from erosion through unintentional neglect and
disregard.

No person - whether government official or private citizen -

should violate the rights of some in order to further the rights of others.
But isn't that very thing happening more and more across this land of ours?
I fear it is.

And the worst thing about it is that we are being asked to

destroy the rights of some under the false banner of promoting the "civil
rights" of others.
We only cloud the issue by labelling the real problem before us as one
of "civil rights."

A man's civil rights are those he has in relation to his
(more)

-

government ,

notin re1ation to his fellow

4

-

man.

Of course, government shou1d

not discriminate among citizens on irrelevant grounds such as co1or, creed, or
religion .

And no national political leader believes it should .

All good Americans agree that the rights guaranteed by the Constitution
must be realized.

And, as I have said so many times and repeat once again,

the President must execute his office and exercise his moral leadership to
make sure that this is the case.
Congress must also take action to remedy defects in the laws dealing
wi th genuine ci vi 1 rights, and that is why I voted for and supported the acts
of 1957 and 1960 .

These laws gave needed protection and security to every

citizen's right to vote in federal elections, regardless of race or creed.
Nothing

less would be fai thful to our Constitution.

But the fundamental issue of our day - the new area into which the act
of 1964 dangerously treads - is a different one.
discrimination in the private affairs of men.
discrimination
tion.

It is the issue of unfair

I am unalterably opposed to such

but I also know that government can provide no lasting solu-

No law can make one person like another if he doesn 'tt want to.

ment can do little more than offer moral leadership and persuasion.

GovernThe

ultimate solution lies in the hearts of men.
It is often said that only the freedom of a member of a minority is
violated when some barrier keeps him from.associating with others in his
society.

But this is wrong.

it is nothing at all .
each other •

Freedom of association is a double freedom or

It applies to both parties who want to associate with

.:\nd so the barriers infringe the freedom of everybody in the

society, not just the minorities.
Now, the removal of such barriers enhances freedom.

That is clear.

But

it is equally clear that freedom is diminished when barriers are raised
against the freedom not to associate .

We must never forget that the freedom

to associate means the same thing as the freedom not

to associate.

It is

wrong to erect legal barriers against either side of this freedom .
We are forced to only one conclusion.

As far as the government is

concerned, it must ensure freedom of association, but it cannot and should
(more)

s
not ensure association i t s e l f .

That i s a

matter that must be mutually and

free1y decided by the individua1s invo1ved.

It is a matter of the heart and

conscience.
And so I endorse the position of the Republican Platform of 1964 on the
bussing of school children.

I say with the Platformthat it is wrong to

take school children out of their normal neighborhood schools for the sake
of achieving

11

racial balance," or some other hypothetical goal of perfect

equality imagined by the theorists of the so-called "Great society."

It is

wrong - mora l ly wrong - because it re-introduces through the back door the
very principle of allocation by race that makes compulsory segregation morally
wrong and offensive to freedom.
The bussing of school children is only one example of doctrinaire and
misguided equalitarianism.

If we extend the principle to its logical end, we

are compelled to use racial quotas as a substitute for the principle of equal
opportunity in every

aspect of social life.

Why not move families from one

neighborhood to another so that quotas set by some bureaucrat somewhere will
be everywhere met?

Or workers from one job to another?

government officials, or any group
p of any description?

Or business men, or
Is this what

We

have

in mind when we speak of freedom and equal opportunity?
Of course not.

our aim, as I understand it, is neither to establish a

segregated society nor to establish an integrated society.

Our aim is to

preserve a f r ee society.
Let us never forget that our people came here as immigrants from all
over the world.

Each minority group - including my own - faced some degree

of discrimination as it arrived and took root in our society.

And each

overcame the obstacles of discrimination because - when all is said America is the land of opportunity.
we can never be satisfied with things as they are, but we must also never
believe that progress short of total success is nothing at all, worthless,
and deserving only of contempt.
one thing that will surelypoison and embitter our relations with each
other is the idea that some pre-determined bureaucratic schedule of equality and, worst of all, a schedule based on racial quotas - must be imposed as the
goal of the misnamed "Great Society."

That way lies destruction.
(more)

-

6

-

Perhaps even c1oser to our hearts today is the a1arming breakdown in

law and order across the country.
population.

Crime is growing five times as fast as

our nation's capital itself ranks first among large cities in

its rate of major crimes against persons - a rate four times the national
average
The most tragic thing of all is that this moral decay has made its
most virulent attack on our young people.

Did you know that juvenile cases

in the District of Columbia courts have risen 67 per cent in the last four
years - 23 per cent in the last year alone?
Why are we plagued with this crisis in

lawlessness?

We are the richest nation on earth.

are poor?

Is it because we

Our riches multiply each

year, and our inequalities diminish.
the

No,

is deeper and more dangerous.

Our traditional values of

individual responsibility and moral obligation have been slipping away at a
quickened

pace.

Corruption and cynicism reach to our highest offices and

touch our most cherished institutions.
darkened

whi te House itself.

Scandal casts its shadow across the

Bad example radiates downward, while the apolo-

gists of collectivism preach that society is to blame for crime, not the
criminal.
Yes, ours is the heritage of a free society.

To remain free,we must have

a government of leaaership, restraint, and compassion.

It must always stand

ready to aid the needy and support the helpless.
And

clear.

on one

aspect of this matter, let me make my position absolutely

Let me, once and for all, sweep away the distortion and outright lies

of the opposition.

I

have

always supported the social Security system and always will .

have voted for every Social Security

act since entering the Senate.

for the acts of 1954, 1955, 1956, 1958, and 1961.

I

I voted

I supported all the

increased benefitst s in the bill of 1964 - a bill killed by the interim President
simply because Congress would not accept Johnson's phony· medicare scheme.
(more)

-

I

make this pl.edge to you:

7

-

my every effort will

be spent in improving

the Social Security system, in seeing that our senior citizens get the cost of

living increases and other improvements due to them.

One of my first acts as

President will be to urge congress to correct the damage done by the int crim
President in denying our senior citizens the benefits scheduled for them in
the

1964 bi 11.
I will also make sure that the federal government follows a responsible

fiscal policy and preserves the value of the benefit dollar.
will

My Administration

put an end to the inflationary policy of perpetual deficit spending.
I will never do anything to endanger the benefits 0£ those who rely

on social security payments.

That is, and always has been, my solemn pledge.

These are the guideposts that mark the way to progress through freedom.
You may choose this way, or you may choose the other one open to you.
The other is the way of the man who would be the Great
11

Greatt Society.

11

Leader

of his own

He opens up his arms and says, ' Bring your troubles to me.
1

••

I will take care of them for you.
"You

want peace?

I'l11 aid, appease, and accommodate the Communists for

you. "You want more money for the potatoes you didn't grow?

I'll give it to

you.
"You want

no

responsibilities?

"You want no worries?
Relax

and don't worry

I' 11 do everything for you.

I' 11 worry for you.

11

The Great Leader and his curious crew will do

for you all those things you find unpleasant to do for yourselves.

And all

he asks is that you give him more and more power over your lives - more and
more without end.
Never mind the wise statesman who once warned us:
absolute power corrupts absolutely. "
for another age.

This

"Power corrupts -

That's old-fashioned.

Tha.t was meant

is the modern world, a world that you - and you - and

you - are too weak or too dumb to cope with.
It's a Great Leader you need - a leader who is more clever than you are,
and stronger by far.

Put all the power in his hands, and he will give you
(more)

-

8

-

"true" freedom - which we used to call slavery.

And then you won't need to

be concerned about your oppressed brethren elsewhere in the world.
Is this all a fantastic nightmare?
You have a choice to make.

Think about it a minute.

Which way will you choose?

will you choose the way that continues the spread of socialism at home
and Communism abroad?
Or will you join with me and stop the spread of socialism at home and
Communism abroad?
I have faith in you.

I know

which way you will choose .

And with your

help and with God's blessing, I will bring the country back to the proven
path

of progress

through freedom.
- 30 -

FOR AUTOMATIC For
AT NOON, EST , MONDAY
November 2, 1964

RELEASE

CAMPAIGN ·SPEECH AT SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., AUDITORIUM, NOV. 2, 1964
BY SEN. BARRY GOLDWATER, -REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.

This is the home of the free and of the brave.

Our forefathers

here seeking a new life; a life that they ·could lead for themselves,
honor, with faith, and with a friendliness that need never be forced.
They hewed and fashioned that new life through hard work and
sacrifice and they passed on to us our most cherished heritage--a

I

free and orderly community of men.
Today that free and orderly community faces the grave danger
of becoming merely another possession of the White House, and we
who C live here face the grave danger of becoming the servants of

//

some Big Brother who lives there.
We all sense this danger, not only those of us gathered

here,
land.

but

all

of us across this land.

There is a mood of uneasiness •.

and stormy sea.

There is a stir in the

we feel adrift in an uncharted

We feel that we have lost our way.

We must and we can find our way to the greatness and a purpose

J

worthy of this nation and its people.
With your help and with God's blessing, we can go forward to
greatness in this nation.
Greatness of purpose -- to keep the peace and extend freedom.

12- 13

--

Greatness of action -- to speak clearly and to be heard respect-

I

fully once again in the councils of the world.
Greatness of heart and self-restraint at home -- to restore law

and order, to mak

safe, Without

Greatness of vision-- to see beyond the comforts and pleasures
of the day toward the towering goals of tomorrow.
(more)

I

,
Greatness

l i f e in a

of soul--

to restore

time too often rushed,

man's

inner

too often obsessed by petty needs

and material greeds, and too often controlled by the pressure of

groups rather than the conscience of the individual

The individual, the private man, the whole man -- you! -- today
stands in danger of becoming the forgotten man of-our coll ectivized,,
complex times.
The private man, the whole man -- you! -- must and can be restored
as a sovereign citizen, as the center of the family, the state, and

as the prime mover and moulder of the future.
With your help, we also can return the government
to the people of this nation.
Tomorrow we can take the first step toward ending in our time
the erosion of individual worth by a growing federal bureaucracy.
This time, in this election, w e haachoice.
ve

It is between

more than political personalities, far more than political programs,
far more than political promises.
future we

want to

It is a choice of what sort of

pass on to our childrellf

Choos e the way of the present Administration and you will have
chosen the way of the regimented society, with a number for every man,
woman, and child: a pigeonhold for every problem, and a bureaucrat
for ever y decision.
Choose the way of this present Administration and you have the
way of mobs in the streets, restrained only by the plea that they

14

wait unti l after the election to ignite violence once again.
Choose

the way of this present Administration and you choose -·

the way of unilateral: disarmament and appeasement . in foreign af-

-

fairs.

-

Choose the way oi this present Administration and you make real

lb

9

the prospect of an America unarmed and aimless in the face of militant Communism around the world.
Instead, I ask that you join with me in proving that every
American can stand on his own, make up his own mind, chart his own
future, keep and control his own family, asking for help and getting
help only when truly overwhelming problems, beyond his control,
set him.

(more)

be-

16

for

Twentieth Century problems

proved doctrine of turning

rather

than

our problems,

re1ying

on

our 1ives,

the

old,

and our

dis-

liber-

ties over to a supposed elite in an all-powerful. central government.

The path we can take tomorrow is dedicated to that.
The path we can take tomorrow is dedicated to pe ce, to progress,
and

to purpose.

•

•

You have heard those words and phrases

know how empty

they have become.

time af.t er time.

You

Our task is to look beyond the

words, to understand what the politicians really mean when they
say them, to what they do with

them when they get in office.

When we speak of these things we mean something

from the opposition party.

f a rdifferent

We
mean:
m

Peace through preparedness

Progress through freedom

13

Purpose through Constitutional order
These are the themes that we have taken to this great land of
ours, and to an anxious, troubled, and listening world.

The question. of peace.. for instance, is basic to the differences between the two major parties.

The present Administration does not understand the

the threats to

the peace, .. the

nature. of

nature of·· the enemy who threatens the

peace, or the nature of the conflict which, whether we like it or
not, has been imposed upon the entire world.
The fact is that Communism is the only great threat to the
peace!

The fact is that Communism is a threat to every free man!

It can't be ignored!
Republicans have proved that they understand these things.
Republican platform this year shows this understanding.

The

Republi-

can performances in the White House and in the Congress have demonstrated this understanding.
A major concern of ours has been the military security of this

nation.

Some distort this proper concern to make it appear that we

are preoccupied with war.
There is no greater political lie.
we are preoccupied with peace!

(more)

And w e are

peace s1ip away,

fearful

that

this

Adminiatration

as i t has slipped

three

times

since

1914,

by pre-

tending that there are no threats to it.

I have carried to the American people this plain message:

this

entire nation and the free world risks war in our time unless free
men remain strong enough to keep the peace.
This Administration, which inherited the mightiest arsenal for
the defense of freedom ever created on earth, is so dismantling it
that we face the prospect of going into the decade of the 1970's
with only a fraction of the flexible, balanced weapon systems which
give us the vital options of controlled, graduated deterrence---rather than only a capacity for all-out nuclear confrontation.
This Administration uses the outmoded and unfair military draft
system for social schemes as well as military objectives.
Republicans will end the draft altogether, and as soon as
possible!

That I promise you!

The Republican Party is the peace Party.
We are the peace party because we understand the enemy.
understand his aims.

We

We understand that he always has and always

will take risks and seek advantages when tempted by weakness.
I do not intend to be a wartime President.
I have been to war.
them in a war.

I have two fine sons and I do not want

I have two fine daughters.

I have grandchildren.

I want none of them touched by war.

we seek peace for everyone in this land and in this world.
And I do not intend to see peace and freedom torn away from
this nation because we lack will, weapons, or leadership. ·

.

I promise an Administration that will keep the peace--and keep
faith with freedom at the same time.
The Republican Party, this Party of peace through strength, has
no clearer message.

Peace has no greater hope.

We cannot support this cause, however, on a base of sand at
home.

our economy must underpin the strength with which peace can

be kept as well as fill our needs at home.
(more)

And the key to progress

3

(S)

there,

as

it is

to eventual

peace

in the world,

is

purely

and

aimp1y-

freedom.

This country has grown great and strong and prosperous by pla-

cing major reliance on a free economy.

What we have we owe to the

ceaseless strivings of tens of millions of free men to better their
own condition and to provide better future for their children and
their children's children.
Private property, free competition, hard work--these have been
our greatest tools.

Let us not discard them now!

This system has preserved and protected our freedom, our right
to disagree, our diversity, our independence from arbitrary interference in our affairs.
This system is the mighty engine of progress which enabled this
country to develop from a small but independent citizenry to become
a multitude spanning the Continent and living on a level that is the
envy of the world.
Government-to-government aid from other countries did not do
it for us.

Hard work and freedom did it!

Progress through freedom

has been our heritage and must continue to be our goal.
Increasingly, however, government has been absorbing or controlling more and more of our resources, our energy, and our ambition.
Today you work from January through April just to provide
government with the money it spends.
Until early February you are working to pay the expenses of
local and state government.

For twice as long thereafter you are

working to pay the expenses of the Federal Government.

Only then

do you work for money that you yourself can use for what you yourself choose.
This cancerous growth of the Federal Government must and shall
be stopped.

A Republican Administration will let you use more of

your money for yourself.
Of course, the mistakes of the past cannot be corrected overnight.
policy.

Our economy needs stability and continuity in government
We must proceed with care in our task of cutting the gov-

ernment down to size.

(more)

.

3

Honesty requires that we honor the commitments government has

made to all areas of the economy, whether explicit or implicit.
do

Good faith requires that we/not disappoint reasonable expectations based on those commitments.
We, in a Republican Administration, shall never abandon the
needy and the aged--we shall never forsake the helpless.

We under-

6
7

stand their problems in our hearts.
But we know that a true and lasting solution to those problems
cannot be found in degrading, capricious, and politically motivated
handouts from the White House.

It must ultimately be found in a

thriving and compassionate economy and in programs principally
handled by the levels of government closest to the people. •
Prudence requires that we proceed slowly and steadily in withdrawing the central government from its many unwarranted interventions in our private economic lives.

Only so can the private economy

adjust smoothly to its properly broadened tasks, without the extra
burden of sharp and erratic shifts in policy.
Much as we may wish it were otherwise, we shall only gradually
b e able to alter many policies of the central government.

We shall

be able to do so as we develop solutions permitting a smooth transition to new and better arrangements.
But there are some things we can do at once.

we can start at

once to slow down the expansion in federal spending.

We can start

at once to foster an economy that will provide jobs for our growing
population.

We can, and will, see to it that the job-making sector

of the economy--the private sector--flourishes and absorbs the unemployed, particularly among our youth.
We will need millions of new jobs--not millions of new words-over the next few years.

Republicans understand how an economy of

f reedom can build those jobs.

And with a Republican Administration

we will have those jobs!

(more)

3

(7)

We shall attack this

problem

at its

roots.

That way,

I

pledge

to you, we can succeed where the present Administration has so miserably failed.

What have we been given by the politicians who want to tell you
how to behave, how to think, how to live, what to study, and even
where or if to pray?
What examples have been set, what lessons learned from this sort
of leadership?
The shadow of scandal falls, unlighted yet by full answers,
across the White House itself.
Public service, once selfless, has become for too many at its
highest levels, selfish in motive and manner.

Men who preach publicly

of sacrifice, practice private indulgence.
The example this sets can be traced, tragically, through the

I~

easy morals and uneasy ethics which in private life disturb so many
parents and lure so many young people.
If the tone of America is not set by men in public service it
will be set, as unfortunately it is being set too often today, by
the standards of the sick joke, the slick slogan, the off-color
drama, and the pornographic book.
It is on our streets that we see the final, terrible proof of
a sickness which not all the social theories of a thousand social
experiments has even begun to touch.
It is a responsibility of the national leadership, regardless
of political gain, political faction, or political popularity to
encourage every community in this nation to enforce the law, not let
it be abused or

ignored.

It i s nthe
o tresponsibility nor is it the proper function of
the national leadership to enforce local laws.

But it is a respon-

sibility of the national leadership to make sure that it, and its
spokesmen and its supporters, do not discourage the enforcement or
incite the breaching of these laws.

And it is their responsibility

to keep standards of common honesty high, turning on lights of integrity, not turning them off.

(more)

''

The

ieadership of t h i s

go to work effectively

nation has

a

clear

and immediate challenge

and go to work immediately

to

to restore proper respect

for law and order in this land -- and not just prior to Election Day either!

17

This is not a challenge just for a few days or weeks, a problem to

be put off until the votes are in.
This is a challenge to the overwhelming majority of Americans who
share these basic beliefs with us.
---That each man is responsible for his own actions
---That each man is the best judge of his own well-being
---That each man has an individual conscience to serve and a moral
code to uphold.
---That each man is a brother to every other man.
America's greatness is the greatness of her people.
tion, then, make a new mark for that greatness.

Let this genera-

Let this generation of

Americans set a standard of responsibility that will inspire the world.
We can do it.

And God willing, together we will do it.

Ladies and gentlemen, every word I have just spoken to you is from
the very first speech of this Presidential campaign.
The issues have not changed.

I have not changed.

The challenge and

the choice has not changed.
I have repeated the first speech of this campaign because of that -and as a way to tell you, and again pledge to you, that I will never say
to you on a Monday one thing and then change it on Tuesday just for political
advantage.
I pledge to you, no matter the cost, that from the first day I set
foot in the White House until the day I leave that I will level with you,
that I will give you an honest Administration, that I will tell you the
truth.
Tomorrow, it will be up to you.
that you still run this country

Tomorrow is the day that.you can prove

not the politicians, not the pollster,

not the computers, none of those.
Tomorrow is the day that you, the people, with God's most noble
earthly purpose, can declare your independence, restore your liberties
and your individual dignity, and take this nation forward to its proudest
years.
---30---

-

---

---------------------