www.asu.edu/asuforaz Arizona State University is proud to partner with the Greater Phoenix Urban League in the creation of the first edition of The State of Black Arizona. This important, collaborative project between the community and the University was undertaken to help advance a better understanding of the changing dynamics of Arizona’s African-American population and the critical issues that require our collective attention in terms of education, health care, the economy, culture and leadership. The African-American community has played a historically significant role in the advancement of Arizona and our region. The future success of our state also relies on our ability to strengthen our communities and empower them to meet and exceed their vast potential. In order to do so, it is imperative that we fully comprehend the existing state of affairs and work together strategically to create the progress needed. ASU recognizes and appreciates the numerous contributions of African-Americans in Arizona and is proud in helping to present this innovative and useful resource. Michael M. Crow President Arizona State University TABLE OF CONTENTS II. ASU letter...............................................................................................................................Michael Crow 4. Foreword.................................................................................................................................George Dean 7. Map of Black/African-American distribution in Arizona 10. The Legacy of Black Culture and Community on Phoenix.........................................................Matthew C. Whitaker 14. State of Black Arizona Population Dynamics...........................................................................Nicholas Alozie 26. Arizona’s Black Economy.........................................................................................................Rodrick Miller 36. An Analysis of Arizona’s Education System and its Impact on African-Americans.....................Lasana O. Hotep 46. The State of Black Arizona: Health..........................................................................................Alyssa Robillard 54. Excerpts from African-American Legislative Health Committee Presents An Overview of Health Issues Concerning African-Americans in Arizona 58. An Overview of Crime Statistics 62. A Call for Renewed African-American Leadership....................................................................Michael Kelly 66. Youth Essay: The Definition of Black.......................................................................................Mychael Clark 72. Credits and Acknowledgements Portraits: pg. 2–Pamela Williams; pg. 3–George Dean; pg. 8–Ed Beasley; pg. 9–Lasana Hotep; pg. 24–Rufus Glasper; pg. 25– Beverly McIver; pg. 34–Samuel Nunes; pg. 35–Carolyn Lowery; pg. 44–Herb Fears; pg. 45–Al McHenry; pg. 52–Bruce Relf; pg. 53–Fatimah Halim; pg. 70–Cody Williams; pg. 71–Taylor Richbyron. Foreword by George Dean “…we ask readers to look as much for what is included in the document as for what is missing. Then, speak out and participate in the community’s dialog about what AfricanAmeri­cans need.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 The Greater Phoenix Urban League, in conjunction with Arizona State University’s Office of Public Affairs and Arizona Public Service, is proud to present The State of Black Arizona, a document produced in response to the National Urban League’s call for local versions of its annual report on the status of AfricanAmericans, The State of Black America. The project represents the culmination of more than a year’s work gathering input and ideas from African-American community leaders, professionals and academicians. The Greater Phoenix Urban League extends truly heartfelt gratitude to the dozens of individuals who worked diligently to make this project a reality, in particular those who wrote essays for both this printed version of the report and the more expansive online version. While this document is not a definitive and comprehensive scientific analysis of the status of blacks in Arizona, it is a starting point from which the community can determine what issues beg further research. It is aimed at everyone who is concerned about the equality of Arizonans. There are two major goals for the first edition of The State of Black Arizona. First, we sought to bring existing data on African-Americans in Arizona to one location. Second, and more importantly, we intend for the document to generate dialog among the African-American community. To this end, the essayists were encouraged to write from their own perspectives, while bringing forth factual information from the currently available data sources. The essays represent voices from myriad disciplines, backgrounds and experiences, as well as perspectives from both lifetime residents of Arizona and recent arrivals, all of whom are deeply committed to Arizona as their home. Where the authors express opinions, please note that these are their thoughts alone and do not represent any official stance of the Greater Phoenix Urban League or Arizona State University. The essays both here and on-line are designed to provide factual information about where this community stands and recommendations on what it needs to grow and prosper. The model for The State of Black Arizona is the National Urban League’s pivotal annual report, The State of Black America. Each year the National Urban League calls upon AfricanAmerican leaders from a variety of backgrounds and professions to provide analysis and commentary on a specific concern in AfricanAmerican life, ranging from the black family to the population’s economic status. The ongoing thread each year in The State of Black America is the equality index which compares AfricanAmericans with whites in multiple indicators such as housing, [1] educational attainment, health and political involvement. The State of Black Arizona replicates the National Urban League’s format by including a cross-section of Arizona’s black community, but deviates in two ways, particularly with regard to the data. First, the document provides a survey of several issues rather than a deep examination of a single issue. The other major difference is that it does not include an equality index for Arizona because of the pressing need to establish what data currently exist for African-Americans in Arizona and gather them in one place. During the early stages of The State of Black Arizona project it became apparent that a lot of data about this community is not readily available.[1] Therefore, we hope this document  There are multiple challenges with finding existing reliable data on African-Americans in Arizona. Currently, the most reliable sources for this data are the decennial census from 2000 and reports from certain state agencies such as the Arizona Department of Health. Many other sources are not as reliable because the sample sizes are too small to provide accurate analysis, particularly in cases where the data needs to be collected through surveys. For this reason, we avoided using the 2005 American Community Survey, except where the sample sizes were large enough to produce reliable numbers. In other cases, employment statistics for example, data is supplied by the employers themselves, and since Arizona has strict disclosure laws, companies are not required to provide detailed information about their employees. Thus, information in areas such as this is limited. These challenges with data, however, are statewide. The Greater Phoenix Urban League encourages research on African-Americans as part of a larger agenda that promotes improved methods for statewide data collection. 5 6 contributes to the dialog about the ways in which Arizona gathers data and information for its citizens in general, while being a call for action to the state and its African-American citizens to clearly define the data and information that needs to be compiled about this community. The essays and data presented here reveal that African-Americans in Arizona do relatively well financially, but still have many challenges. For instance, while our median income is slightly higher than that of our brethren across the country, we rank lowest for overall health status according to Arizona’s Department of Health Services. We share similar health concerns with African-Americans across the country, including high rates of hypertension, cancer, HIV and infant mortality. Problems with the education of African-American youth are a recurring theme among many essayists. Although AfricanAmerican students are making progress in terms of graduation rates and test scores, they are not completing college degrees at rates commensurate with other races in Arizona. A significant concern that rings through many of the essays is the perceived lack of an African-American community in this state. Although the AfricanAmerican population in Arizona has increased by 141 percent since 1980, the communities are so dispersed that many AfricanAmericans feel disconnected from one another. It’s been 10 years since the last major project was undertaken to gather data and analyze the current status of African-Americans in Arizona. It is my sincere hope that this project marks a major step toward restoring the dialog and research into African-Americans in Arizona. It is time for a revival of a forum such as the Black Town Hall, which ran from the early 1980s to 1997. During these years, we learned about issues concerning black men, women, children and families, and the effects of civil rights policies on them. The time has come again for continuing efforts to better understand this community and to level the playing field so that African-Americans in Arizona have the same status as all other Arizonans. We hope this first State of Black Arizona project provides impetus for discussions among community members, to help us better understand where African-Americans stand today in Arizona. In addition, and most importantly, we want this project to reveal the gaps in our knowledge about African-Americans in Arizona and to serve as a starting point to begin the process of equality for all. To reach these goals, we ask readers to look as much for what is included in the document as for what is missing. Then, speak out and participate in the community’s dialog about what African-Americans need. n A PDF of this version and The State of Black Arizona supplemental materials are available at www.asu.edu/asuforaz. The State of Black Arizona   2008 Map of Black/African-American distribution in Arizona Geography Name Percent of the Total Population Who Are Black or African American Alone Percent of the Total Population Who Are Black or AfricanAmerican Alone (Margin of Error) Pima County, Arizona 2.9 Pinal County, Arizona 2.2 +/-0.3 Navajo County, Arizona 0.7 +/-0.2 Mohave County, Arizona 0.5 +/-0.4 Maricopa County, Arizona 3.8 +/-0.1 Coconino County, Arizona 1.4 +/-0.5 Cochise County, Arizona 3.5 +/-0.7 Yuma County, Arizona 1.5 +/-0.5 Yavapai County, Arizona 0.6 +/-0.1 7 +/-0.2 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2005 American Community Survey Data Classes No data available 0.0% – 0.5% 0.6% – 0.7% 1.4% – 1.5% Coconino 2.2% – 2.9% 3.5% – 3.8% Navajo Mohave Apache Yavapai La Paz Gila Maricopa Greenlee Pinal Graham Yuma Pima Cochise Approx. 555 miles across Santa Cruz The Legacy of Black Culture and Community on Phoenix by Matthew C. Whitaker, Ph.D. “By the 1990s and the dawn of the 21st century, thanks to efforts of the black freedom struggle, many black Phoenicians found and enjoyed a level of comfort that few blacks enjoyed two generations earlier.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 Between 1953 and the present, fired with a passion for racial equality, civil rights leaders and grassroots activists in Phoenix drew upon an arsenal of social justice weapons in the battle for freedom and justice in Phoenix. They helped dismantle an apartheid-like system in what is presently the fifth largest city in the U.S. These leaders, though geographically isolated from the civil rights movement in the American south, were not strangers to discrimination and racial inequality. They led the way in securing victories for racial justice in Phoenix. Sometimes they did so in advance of national milestones in civil rights. Since the 1950s, local AfricanAmerican leaders such as George Brooks, Cloves Campbell Sr. and Cloves Campbell, Jr., Hayzel B. Daniels, Opal Ellis, Betty and Jean Fairfax, Calvin C. Goode, Eugene Grigsby, Carole Coles Henry, Lasana Hotep, Alonzo Jones, Michael Kelley, Gotwin Otu, Lincoln and Eleanor Ragsdale, Gerald Richard, RJ Shannon, Leah Landrum Taylor and Cody Williams have played tremendous roles in Phoenix by promoting self-determination among black people, racial healing and a multiracial American democracy through non-violent social change. These activists have been armed with hope and a passion for justice, and they have been aided by sympathetic white Phoenicians and other people of color such as Herbert L. Ely, Terry Goddard, Alfredo Gutierrez, William P. Mahoney, Manuel Pena and Fran Waldman. The Ragsdales, through their work in the Greater Phoenix Council for Civil Unity (GPCCU) and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and through intense networking, dialogue and non-violent protest, played a critical role in calling upon Phoenix’s public and private sector to abandon their discriminatory practices. The leadership of Hayzel B. Daniels helped desegregate Phoenician schools in 1953, one year before the landmark 1954 Brown v. Topeka Board of Education school desegregation ruling. Lincoln Ragsdale’s bold and confrontational leadership exploited the uniquely fluid racial relations in the West, to fashion a career that was both unabashed and creative, when many of his Southern contemporaries were under constant threat of terrorism and a more violent version of massive white resistance. Between 1954 and 1970, America’s civil rights movement peaked. Through an aggressive coalition of organizations and “ agencies, such as Phoenix’s Human Relations Commission, activists fought de jure and de facto racial segregation. They continued to attack segregation in the courts and through direct action protests such as sit-ins, boycotts and other forms of civil disobedience. In the face of this onslaught and despite persistent white resistance, legal segregation and disfranchisement collapsed. Although racism remained and African-Americans and other people of colored lagged behind their white counterparts economically and politically, these groups experienced unprecedented improvements in their socio-economic mobility. The activism that defined the black freedom struggle also inspired white women and various people of color and other marginalized groups to adopt many of the same strategies to combat discrimination on the basis of race, 11 When I was young,” this is a statement that much of my generation today is faced with growing under the influence of parents, mentors, and black political leaders. I am faced with walking in the shoes of giants that yesterday’s generation left behind. Great African-Americans that struggled but, triumphed over oppression and despair that appeared to them, both in dream and reality.” Whitney Parker, Sunrise Mountain High School, “Strive” 12 religion, sex, sexual orientation, disability and others. In Arizona, Chicanos such as Alfredo Gutierrez in Phoenix, promoted curricula in colleges and universities, including Arizona State University, that addressed their heritage. MexicanAmerican leaders such as Cesar Chavez, who was born in Yuma, Ariz., worked for the economic advancement of Mexican American migrant workers through the United Farm Workers. American Indians also emerged as a powerful political force between the 1960s and the present. They organized to address problems such as high unemployment, low life expectancy, high suicide rates, and economic and political marginalization. The determination and the spirit of black activists and everyday folk, the strength of their organizations, the trust of their constituents, the dedication of their partners and those who adopted their strategies, pressured private institutions and governmental leaders, agencies and courts, to render decisions that systematically undermined generations of inequality. These changes provided for the advancement and diversification of educational institutions, electoral politics, the arts and the nation’s social consciousness. By the 1990s and the dawn of the 21st century, thanks to efforts of the black freedom struggle, many black Phoenicians found and enjoyed a level of comfort that few blacks enjoyed two generations earlier. Not all blacks have fared well during the past 20 years, however. When compared with other racial groups, black Phoenicians were more likely to live in poverty, die younger, go to prison more often, and have children before they reached adulthood. While the black population grew by 44 percent between 1990 and 2000, huge gains by Latinos and whites left the African-American population at just three percent of the city’s overall population. Nevertheless, many black Phoenicians believe that the black freedom struggle has made Phoenix a better place to live. [The struggle] “has made a significant difference in the external and internal perception of the state economically, socially and philosophically,” argued Gene Blue, CEO of Arizona Opportunities Industrialization Center. Between 1990 and 2000, the median household income for African-Americans in Phoenix rose 65 percent, from $20,564 to $33,922, giving them the twelfth highest median income for blacks in the nation. This represented a faster rate of growth than whites in the city, who saw a 47 percent increase from $29,958 to $44,148. Relatively speaking, “the quality of life has become very good here,” one observer noted. The black indigence rate fell nearly eight percent between 1990 and 2000, but many black leaders stressed the fact that nearly one-fifth of the city’s black population were still mired in poverty. The black unemployment rate in Phoenix continued to be among the highest in the nation, and blacks throughout Arizona remained under-represented at the state legislature. Of the 90 legislators in the Arizona House of Representatives and Senate in 2000, only one, Democratic Representative Leah Landrum Taylor, was African-American. “It blows peoples minds,” she stated at the time, “when I tell them I am the only ‘African-American’ in the legislature.” Landrum Taylor believed that the number of black legislators, which was always small, fell during this period because black leaders were not doing a good job of “identifying potential candidates.” In addition, several traditional black voting strongholds such as Districts 7 and 8, were weakened by influxes of Latino residents, and because African-American electoral power was adversely affected by the movement of a large number of blacks to the city’s suburbs. The Arizona legislature currently has two African-Americans in service: Taylor and Cloves Campbell Jr. Home ownership, a benchmark for measuring economic success and upward mobility, has remained stagnant for black Phoenicians during the last 20 years. Only 45 percent own their own homes, the lowest rate for all racial groups. About 73 percent of whites, 55 percent of Latinos and 61 percent of indigenous peoples owned their own homes during this period. Affluent blacks who made gains as a result of the black freedom struggle continued to move to the suburbs of Chandler, Goodyear, Mesa, Peoria, Scottsdale, Tempe and others, in significant numbers. Phil Westbrooks, a black member of the Chandler City Council who grew up in a segregated Valley community, noted that most black suburbanites are “educated professionals who can live anywhere we want,” an opportunity that “our parents did not have.” The black freedom struggle in Phoenix yielded greater educational, occupational and entrepreneurial opportunities for African-Americans and, ostensibly, all Americans. Whenever activists discovered cases of racial discrimination, intolerance and black suffering, they gave their energies and lent their names, time, resources, and political capital to individuals and organizations that opposed them. They stood at Canaan’s edge amidst this “racial frontier” and helped made the city anew. n Sources Arizona Republic, November 8, 15, 1990, January 22, May 15, September 13, November 3, 1991, January 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 1992, January 1, 1993; Phoenix Gazette, March 30, May 17, 1990, February 5, 7, May 15, August 8-15, 19, December 2, 1991, June 6, 1992; Cody Williams quoted in the Arizona Republic, January 20, 2003; Cody Williams, interview by author, 20 August 2002, Phoenix, Arizona; United States Census of Population, 2000, General Characteristics by States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2000); Leah Landrum Taylor quoted in the Arizona Republic, January 20, 2003; Arizona Republic, January 20, 2003. The State of Black Arizona   2008 Fig. FH1: Home ownership rates in 2000 by race Fig. FH2: African-American poverty statistics (2000) 13 Percentage Percentage of the population below poverty level 26.84% 24.03% 4.33% 4.12% Race Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Housing and Household Economic Statistics Division Source: U.S. Census Bureau Table FH2 Poverty Arizona United States Number of AfricanAmericans Total number for all races Number of African Americans Total number for all races Families 5,555 128,318 1,777,105 6,620,945 Individuals 28,798 698,669 8,146,146 33,899,812 Fig FH2 and Table FH2 shows the poverty characteristics in Arizona and in the United States. The graph shows that 4.33% of all families below the poverty level in Arizona are African-American. In contrast, of all the families living below the poverty level across the United States, nearly 27% are African-American. These numbers look very different when one takes a closer look at Arizona where 20% of African-American families are in poverty, despite the fact that black families only constitute 4% of all impoverished families in Arizona. Source: U.S. Census Bureau State of Black Arizona: Population Dynamics by Nicholas Alozie, Ph.D. “The black population in the state has increased even more dramatically, eclipsing both the white and overall popula­tion trajectory in real terms and changing the face of black Ari­zona.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 Highlights n Just as the population of Arizona has increased dramatically since 1980 (115%), the black population in the state has also increased, although at a much higher rate (141%). n Black in-migration is contributing immensely to black population growth within the state. n As of 2005, the black population in Arizona stood at 180,769, slightly more than three percent of the state’s total population. n While the black population is fairly distributed in Arizona, most blacks live in Maricopa county’s central cities. n Of all large cities in Arizona, the City of Phoenix holds the single largest black population (63,756), the highest black to total population ratio (4.83%), and the highest level of segregation of blacks from whites (54.4). n Of all small cities in Arizona, the city of Sierra Vista holds the highest proportion of black to total population ratio (10.44%). n The lowest level of white-black segregation is recorded in the City of Gilbert (17.2), where only 17 percent of whites will need to change residence in order to achieve an even whiteblack population distribution. n Outside of Maricopa County, the City of Tucson has the largest single black population (19,795). n The black elderly population in Arizona is growing and becoming more visible. n The poverty level of the black population (20.0%) in the state is considerably higher than the average for the state (13.9%). 15 16 Table 1. Trajectory of Arizona Population 1980-2005 Comparing White and Black Components Total Population 1980 1990 2000 Est. 2005 Arizona 2,718,215 3,665,228 5,130,632 5,829,839 White 2,240,761 2,626,185 3,871,715 4,440,804 Black 74,977 104,809 154,316 180,769 Percent Change Arizona 1980-1990 1990-2005 1990-2000 2000-2005 1980-2005 34.8% 59.1% 40.0% 13.6% 114.5% White 17.2% 69.1% 47.4% 14.7% 98.2% Black 39.8% 72.5% 47.2% 17.1% 141.1% Source: US Census Bureau. Figure 1. Percentage Growth in Arizona Population 1980–2005 Since the 1980s, one of the most enduring stories about Arizona has been the tremendous growth in the state’s population. The dramatic changes in the state’s economy since that period have been orchestrated in part by this demographic shift. The black population in the state has increased even more dramatically, eclipsing both the white and overall population trajectory in real terms and changing the face of black Arizona. This is notwithstanding the sharp growth in the Latino population. The data in Table 1 present the remarkable picture. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 1980, Arizona had a total population of 2,718,215. By 2005, that number had ballooned to 5,829,839, an increase of 115 percent. Between this same period, the white population in the state almost doubled, rising from 2,240,761 in 1980 to 4,440,804 in 2005. While the overall size of the black population relative to the whole remains low, at 180,769 in 2005, that population has seen an increase of 141 percent since 1980. As the data in both Table 1 and Figure 1 reveal, the growth rate of the black population in the state has been steeper. A closer examination of the second part of Table 1 further reveals that the black population grew at a much faster rate than either the white or the total population for any period, 1980–1990, 1990–2000, 2000–2005, 1980–2005, or 1990–2005. At present blacks constitute slightly more than 3 percent of Arizona’s population. The black proportion of Arizona’s population does not tell the story of black population distribution at the immediate community level. Typically, minority populations have their most relevance at this level. Table 2 shows the trajectory of the black population across Arizona cities between 1980 and 2000. Cities that by virtue of their size are considered central cities have been highlighted. First, these data reveal that the black population varies considerably in its composition across Arizona cities. Although the data show quite a bit of distribution across the state, the black population is still largely an urban population, concentrated largely in central cities. Most blacks reside in Maricopa County, with the City of Phoenix holding the single largest black population of any city. Contrary to some previous speculation, blacks did not leave Phoenix between 1980 and 2000. Even though the city’s black population during that period doubled, the real story, as these data reveal, is that blacks The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table 2. Trajectory of Black Population in Arizona Cities (1980 – 2000) Places: 1980 1990 2000 % Change 1980 to 1990 Ajo CDP 20 4 16 -80.0% 1 0 60 158 20 51 681 1,762 40 98 Ak-Chin Village CDP Apache Junction city 5 Arizona City CDP Avondale city 551 Avra Valley CDP % Change 1990 to 2000 % Change 1980 to 2000 300.0% -20.0% -100.0% 1100.0% 163.3% 3060.0% 158.7% 219.8% 145.0% Bagdad CDP 17 6 26 -64.7% 333.3% 52.9% Benson city 12 8 18 -33.3% 125.0% 50.0% 4 8 25 31 Big Park CDP Bisbee city 60 100.0% -58.3% 24.0% -48.3% Black Canyon City CDP 0 0 Blackwater CDP 1 0 -100.0% Bluewater CDP 1 0 -100.0% 258 190 239 -26.4% 25.8% -7.4% 1 115 252 11400.0% 119.1% 25100.0% 0 0 13 32 Canyon Day CDP 0 8 Carefree town 1 3 Buckeye town Bullhead City city Cameron CDP Camp Verde town Casa Grande city 1 1200.0% 146.2% 642 945 1,006 47.2% 6.5% 56.7% Catalina CDP 14 28 63 100.0% 125.0% 350.0% Cave Creek town 4 5 14 25.0% 180.0% 250.0% Central Heights-Midland City CDP 4 3 0 -25.0% -100.0% -100.0% 866 2,196 6,195 153.6% 182.1% 615.4% Chinle CDP 6 16 6 166.7% -62.5% 0.0% Chino Valley town 3 10 14 233.3% 40.0% 366.7% Chuichu CDP 1 0 Cibecue CDP 0 0 Chandler city -100.0% 56.5% % Change 1980 to 1990 430 529 673 23.0% 7 17 13 17 30.8% 5 4 -20.0% Dennehotso CDP 1 0 -100.0% Desert Hills CDP 4 0 -100.0% Dewey-Humboldt CDP 4 6 50.0% Dolan Springs CDP 1 19 1800.0% 98 68 110 -30.6% 61.8% 12.2% 4 4 0 0.0% -100.0% -100.0% Coolidge city Cottonwood city 0 Cottonwood-Verde Village CDP Douglas city Dudleyville CDP 0 East Fork CDP Ehrenberg CDP 0 2 2 17 0 0 142.9% 750.0% 5 0 El Mirage town 221 112 263 -49.3% 134.8% 19.0% Eloy city 631 539 608 -14.6% 12.8% -3.6% Flagstaff city 1,026 1,060 1,047 3.3% -1.2% 2.0% Florence town 188 713 1,601 279.3% 124.5% 751.6% 58 46 Flowing Wells CDP Fort Defiance CDP 5 Fortuna Foothills CDP 8 0 34 69 -100.0% -20.7% 60.0% -100.0% Fountain Hills town 3 41 172 0 1 0 -100.0% 6 0 -100.0% Ganado CDP -100.0% 102.9% Fredonia town 1266.7% 319.5% 5633.3% Gila Bend town 47 40 21 -14.9% -47.5% -55.3% Gilbert town 42 433 2,350 931.0% 442.7% 5495.2% Glendale city 1,802 4,260 10,358 136.4% 143.1% 474.8% 24 32 60 33.3% 87.5% 150.0% 5 27 121 425 1,119 251.2% 163.3% 824.8% 9 28 21 211.1% -25.0% 133.3% 1 0 Globe city Clarkdale town 0 0 12 Claypool CDP 12 12 16 0.0% 33.3% 33.3% Goodyear city Clifton town 13 4 2 -69.2% -50.0% -84.6% Grand Canyon Village CDP 0 0 Colorado City town 27.2% 2000 Duncan town 200.0% % Change 1980 to 2000 1990 Eagar town 3100.0% % Change 1990 to 2000 1980 Cornville CDP 155.0% 23.6% Places: Golden Valley CDP Greasewood CDP 440.0% -100.0% 17 Table 2. continued 18 Places: 1980 1990 2000 % Change 1980 to 1990 % Change 1990 to 2000 % Change 1980 to 2000 Places: 1980 1990 2000 % Change 1980 to 1990 % Change 1990 to 2000 % Change 1980 to 2000 Green Valley CDP 16 27 29 68.8% 7.4% 81.3% Paradise Valley town 12 28 88 133.3% 214.3% 633.3% Guadalupe town 4 18 34 350.0% 88.9% 750.0% Parker town 58 49 94 -15.5% 91.8% 62.1% Hayden town 0 0 0 Parker Strip CDP 0 9 1 5 Patagonia town 0 0 134 178 0 0 Heber-Overgaard CDP Holbrook city 205 Hotevilla CDP Huachuca City town 122 400.0% -34.6% 32.8% -13.2% Payson town Peach Springs CDP 104 150 Jerome town 1 0 -100.0% Peridot CDP Kachina Village CDP 2 0 -100.0% Phoenix city 2 0 7 7 Kaibito CDP Kayenta CDP 8 0 0 Kearny town Keams Canyon CDP 0 7 5 Kingman city 21 34 162 1 0 55 115 Kykotsmovi Village CDP Lake Havasu City city 37 -14.8% 44.2% 23.0% -100.0% -12.5% 0.0% 376.5% 109.1% 671.4% 210.8% 0 48,626 65,312 181.7% 3579.3% 28.6% 34.3% 72.8% 100.0% 300.0% Pinetop-Lakeside town 1 22 35 0 0 Pirtleville CDP 59.1% 3400.0% -28.6% -100.0% -100.0% 5 0 3 0 Poston CDP 0 0 133 121 160 -9.0% 32.2% 20.3% 2 39 45 1850.0% 15.4% 2150.0% Prescott city Prescott Valley town 18 21 33 16.7% 3 0 5 -100.0% 7 2100.0% Pisinemo CDP -100.0% -100.0% 83.3% Quartzsite town 6 9 50.0% 66.7% Queen Creek town 27 0 -100.0% -95.6% Rough Rock CDP -60.0% Sacaton CDP 137 18 6 -86.9% Mammoth town 5 0 2 -100.0% Many Farms CDP 51 8 0 -84.3% -100.0% -100.0% Safford city Marana town 71 32 368 -54.9% 1050.0% 418.3% St. David CDP 1,858 5,146 9,607 177.0% 86.7% 417.1% St. Johns city 36 15 8 -58.3% -46.7% -77.8% St. Michaels CDP 5 0 1 3 0 200.0% 103 111 206 7.8% 6 0 8 15 1 0 1 Moenkopi CDP 1 0 -100.0% San Carlos CDP 1 11 0 Mohave Valley CDP 24 66 175.0% San Luis city 0 0 427 137.5% San Manuel CDP 31 15 14 Morenci CDP 0 16 38 Nogales city 57 37 34 -35.1% Oracle CDP 1 0 0 -100.0% Oro Valley town 1 36 408 3500.0% 1033.3% 40700.0% Page city 16 35 13 118.8% -62.9% -18.8% -8.1% 1206.1% 4 -100.0% Miami town 3,017 0 30 0 Mesa city 1,071 -100.0% 1 0 -66.7% 6 15 1 McNary CDP 0 0 0 1 57.1% 7 Pima town Lake Montezuma CDP Litchfield Park city 37,804 Pinon CDP -100.0% 48.6% 82 Picture Rocks CDP -12.5% -28.6% 61.9% Peoria city Leupp CDP Lukachukai CDP 0 -40.4% Santan CDP 0 0 -100.0% Santa Rosa CDP 0 0 Sawmill CDP 1 0 966 2,269 Scottsdale city 336 -100.0% -100.0% -100.0% 85.6% 100.0% -100.0% 700.0% 87.5% 1400.0% -100.0% 1000.0% -100.0% -100.0% -51.6% -6.7% -54.8% -100.0% 187.5% 134.9% 575.3% The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table 2. continued Places: 1 0 Sedona city 2 21 116 950.0% 452.4% 5700.0% Sells CDP 3 3 0 0.0% -100.0% -100.0% Willcox city 0 0 Shongopovi CDP Shonto CDP Show Low city Sierra Vista city Somerton city -100.0% 0 0 9 36 200.0% 300.0% 1100.0% 2,425 3,818 4,051 57.4% 6.1% 67.1% 151 176 11 3 266.7% -72.7% 0.0% 3 16.6% 13 10 79 -23.1% 690.0% 507.7% 114 82 -30.1% -28.1% -49.7% Springerville town 0 0 0 29 62 266 113.8% 329.0% 817.2% Sun City West CDP 2 59 122 2850.0% 106.8% 6000.0% Sun Lakes CDP 1 31 97 3000.0% 212.9% 9600.0% 0 0 724.5% 694.5% Supai CDP Superior town 12 0 23 -100.0% Surprise town 110 106 874 -3.6% 59 116 0 51 0 0 1,949 4,394 5,659 125.4% 42 36 29 -14.3% 16 71 30 20 63 0 0 2 1 0 24 17 21 -29.2% 23.5% -12.5% 12,301 16,273 20,620 32.3% 26.7% 67.6% 200.0% 933.3% 3000.0% Swift Trail Junction CDP Taylor town 1 Teec Nos Pos CDP Tempe city Thatcher town Three Points CDP Tolleson city Tombstone city Tsaile CDP Tuba City CDP Tucson city Tucson Estates CDP 1 91.7% 96.6% -100.0% 5000.0% 28.8% 190.4% -19.4% -31.0% 343.8% -33.3% 215.0% 110.0% -100.0% 3 31 Valencia West CDP 49 14 Wellton town 43 47 9.3% Whetstone CDP 21 29 38.1% -71.4% % Change 1980 to 2000 300.0% 900.0% 3900.0% 100.0% -100.0% -100.0% 1990 2000 % Change 1980 to 1990 Whiteriver CDP 1 4 40 Wickenburg town 1 2 0 29 18 8 -37.9% -55.6% -72.4% 112 100 51 -10.7% -49.0% -54.5% -85.7% -100.0% -100.0% 0 0 Window Rock CDP 7 1 0 Winkelman town 0 1 4 309 286 473 -7.4% 65.4% 53.1% 6 25 0 316.7% -100.0% -100.0% 1,693 1,885 2,512 11.3% 33.3% 48.4% Winslow city 163 % Change 1990 to 2000 1980 Willow Valley CDP South Tucson city Sun City CDP Places: Williams city 3 Sierra Vista Southeast CDP Snowflake town % Change 1980 to 1990 % Change 1980 to 2000 1990 Second Mesa CDP 2000 % Change 1990 to 2000 1980 Youngtown town Yuma city Source: US Census Bureau 300.0% 19 Table 3. Comparison of Total Population Change and Black Population Change Across Arizona Cities 1980-2000 20 Total Population Places: Ajo CDP 2000 % Change 1980 2000 % Change 5,189 3,720 -28.3% 20 16 -20.0% 9,935 31,281 214.9% 5 158 Ak-Chin Village CDP Apache Junction city 673 Arizona City CDP Avondale city 35,802 Bagdad CDP 2,331 Benson city 4,190 Avra Valley CDP Black Population 1980 2000 838 0 Desert Hills CDP 2,259 0 Dewey-Humboldt CDP 6,579 6 219.8% Dolan Springs CDP 1,924 19 % Change 551 Douglas city 13,058 14,196 8.7% 98 110 12.2% 1,588 -31.9% 17 26 52.9% Dudleyville CDP 1,205 1,276 5.9% 4 0 -100.0% 4,827 15.2% 12 18 50.0% Duncan town 2,791 4,103 47.0% 0 17 98 5,063 7,154 % Change Dennehotso CDP 3060.0% Cottonwood-Verde Village CDP 2000 338.3% 5,111 Big Park CDP 1980 4 51 8 -15.6% 60 31 Eagar town -48.3% 817 2 East Fork CDP 1,004 2,703 0 Ehrenberg CDP 1,356 Blackwater CDP 509 0 El Mirage town 4,307 7,518 74.6% 221 263 19.0% Bluewater CDP 773 0 Eloy city 6,240 10,307 65.2% 631 608 -3.6% Black Canyon City CDP 6,041 1,762 Total Population Places: 10,662 0 4,177 8,168 Bisbee city Black Population 1980 0 0 Buckeye town 3,434 6,417 86.9% 258 239 -7.4% Flagstaff city 34,743 53,137 52.9% 1,026 1,047 2.0% Bullhead City city 10,364 33,852 226.6% 1 252 25100.0% Florence town 3,391 17,149 405.7% 188 1,601 751.6% 1,125 9,643 757.2% 1 32 17.7% 5 Cameron CDP Camp Verde town 1,030 Canyon Day CDP 1,065 Carefree town Casa Grande city 0 8 2,920 14,971 25,321 Flowing Wells CDP 3100.0% Fort Defiance CDP 15,071 3,431 Fortuna Foothills CDP 3 69.1% 642 1,006 56.7% 4,037 46 20,954 0 -100.0% 69 Fountain Hills town 2,771 20,199 628.9% 3 172 Fredonia town 1,040 1,002 -3.7% 0 0 Catalina CDP 2,749 7,182 161.3% 14 63 350.0% Ganado CDP Cave Creek town 1,589 3,685 131.9% 4 14 250.0% Gila Bend town 1,585 1,944 22.6% 47 21 -55.3% Central Heights-Midland City CDP 2,791 2,641 -5.4% 4 0 -100.0% Gilbert town 5,717 109,936 1823.0% 42 2,350 5495.2% 10,358 474.8% 615.4% 1,802 6,195 125.0% 866 218,596 494.3% 97,172 176,338 Glendale city 29,673 0.0% 150.0% 6 60 6 24 97.8% 10.8% 5,568 7,434 2,815 6,708 Chinle CDP Globe city Chino Valley town 2,858 8,009 180.2% 3 14 366.7% Goodyear city 2,747 18,779 583.6% 121 1,119 824.8% Grand Canyon Village CDP 1,348 1,509 11.9% 9 21 133.3% Green Valley CDP 7,999 17,334 116.7% 16 29 81.3% Guadalupe town 4,506 5,228 16.0% 4 34 750.0% Hayden town 1,205 910 -24.5% 0 0 -14.4% 205 178 Chandler city Chuichu CDP 317 Cibecue CDP 0 1,169 0 1,512 3,532 133.6% 0 12 Claypool CDP 2,362 1,814 -23.2% 12 16 33.3% Clifton town 4,245 2,583 -39.2% 13 2 -84.6% Coolidge city 3,614 6,841 Cornville CDP Cottonwood city 7,788 0 13.8% 430 3,572 4,550 9,129 673 17 100.6% 0 17 Golden Valley CDP Holbrook city Hotevilla CDP 27 551 Heber-Overgaard CDP 56.5% 0 4,587 Greasewood CDP Clarkdale town Colorado City town 1,832 5633.3% 0 2,568 5,785 4,953 769 5 0 -13.2% The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table 3. continued Total Population Places: Huachuca City town Black Population Total Population Black Population 1980 2000 % Change 1980 2000 % Change Places: 1980 2000 % Change 1980 2000 % Change 1,661 1,739 4.7% 122 150 23.0% Phoenix city 789,704 1,320,994 67.3% 37,804 65,312 72.8% Jerome town 304 0 Picture Rocks CDP Kachina Village CDP 2,775 0 Pima town 1,599 2,097 31.1% 0 4 Kaibito CDP 1,731 0 Pinetop-Lakeside town 2,860 3,539 23.7% 1 35 Kayenta CDP 3,343 4,947 Kearny town 2,646 Kingman city 9,257 Keams Canyon CDP 8 0 Pirtleville CDP 2,255 -14.8% 0 5 Pisinemo CDP 19,755 113.4% 21 162 200 Kykotsmovi Village CDP Lake Havasu City city 48.0% 825 15,909 Lake Montezuma CDP Leupp CDP 7 -12.5% 671.4% 0 41,859 37 115 210.8% 7,976 Pinon CDP 30 1,027 1,425 1,542 8.2% 7 215 Poston CDP 3400.0% 0 0 -100.0% 0 445 0 Prescott city 20,055 34,411 71.6% 133 160 20.3% Prescott Valley town 2,284 23,597 933.1% 2 45 2150.0% 3,163 0 Quartzsite town 3,397 9 968 0 Queen Creek town 4,317 0 Litchfield Park city 3,657 3,813 4.3% 18 33 83.3% Rough Rock CDP Lukachukai CDP 1,049 1,585 51.1% 3 5 66.7% Sacaton CDP 1,951 1,635 -16.2% 1 0 -100.0% McNary CDP 1,320 351 -73.4% 137 6 -95.6% Safford city 7,010 9,224 31.6% 103 206 100.0% Mammoth town 1,906 1,802 -5.5% 5 2 -60.0% St. David CDP Many Farms CDP 1,364 1,617 18.5% 51 0 -100.0% St. Johns city Marana town 1,674 13,443 703.0% 71 368 418.3% St. Michaels CDP 152,453 397,215 160.5% 1,858 9,607 417.1% San Carlos CDP 2,668 3,835 43.7% 1 0 2,716 1,941 -28.5% 36 8 -77.8% San Luis city 1,946 15,342 688.4% 0 427 San Manuel CDP 5,443 4,375 -19.6% 31 14 Mesa city Miami town Moenkopi CDP Mohave Valley CDP 820 0 13,576 66 607 1,637 3,368 3,275 Santan CDP 1 1,862 -31.9% 0 38 Santa Rosa CDP 442 20,856 33.0% 57 34 -40.4% Sawmill CDP 639 Oracle CDP 2,484 3,517 41.6% 1 0 -100.0% Scottsdale city Oro Valley town 1,489 29,662 1892.1% 1 408 40700.0% Second Mesa CDP 202,744 4,907 6,809 38.8% 16 13 -18.8% Sedona city 5,368 10,178 13,629 22.9% 12 88 633.3% Sells CDP 1,864 2,909 2,542 3,140 23.5% 58 94 62.1% Shongopovi CDP -100.0% -54.8% 0 129.3% 336 794 11,085 1400.0% 0 0 2,736 88,412 15 0 15,683 Parker town -2.8% 599 Nogales city Paradise Valley town 0 1,277 Morenci CDP Page city 0 2,269 575.3% 0 56.1% 2 116 5700.0% 3 0 -100.0% 637 0 Parker Strip CDP 3,301 9 Shonto CDP Patagonia town 854 0 Show Low city 4,298 7,657 78.2% 3 36 1100.0% 0 Sierra Vista city 24,937 37,287 49.5% 2,425 4,051 67.1% 6 Sierra Vista Southeast CDP Payson town 5,068 Peach Springs CDP Peoria city Peridot CDP 14,021 176.7% 0 786 12,251 108,462 1,225 785.3% 82 3,017 0 3579.3% 578 0 14,811 176 Snowflake town 3,510 4,456 27.0% 3 3 0.0% Somerton city 5,761 7,255 25.9% 13 79 507.7% 21 Table 3. continued 22 Total Population Places: 1980 Black Population 2000 % Change 1980 2000 % Change -49.7% South Tucson city 6,554 5,490 -16.2% 163 82 Springerville town 1,452 2,000 37.7% 0 0 40,505 38,155 -5.8% 29 266 817.2% Sun City West CDP Sun City CDP 3,772 26,264 596.3% 2 122 6000.0% Sun Lakes CDP 1,925 11,946 520.6% 1 97 9600.0% Supai CDP 0 0 Superior town 4,600 3,262 -29.1% 12 23 91.7% Surprise town 3,723 30,886 729.6% 110 874 694.5% 1,915 3,203 67.3% 1 Swift Trail Junction CDP Taylor town 2,105 Teec Nos Pos CDP Tempe city Thatcher town 116 941 51 106,743 158,426 48.4% 1,949 5,659 190.4% 3,374 4,022 19.2% 42 29 -31.0% Three Points CDP 5,248 71 Tolleson city 4,433 4,963 12.0% 30 63 Tombstone city 1,632 1,506 -7.7% 0 2 Tsaile CDP Tuba City CDP Tucson city Tucson Estates CDP 5000.0% 0 1,130 110.0% 0 5,045 8,119 60.9% 24 21 330,537 486,591 47.2% 12,301 20,620 67.6% 2,814 9,915 252.3% 1 31 3000.0% Valencia West CDP 2,451 Wellton town 1,936 47 Whetstone CDP 2,308 29 -12.5% 14 Whiteriver CDP 2,256 5,365 137.8% 1 40 3900.0% Wickenburg town 3,535 5,050 42.9% 1 0 -100.0% Willcox city 3,243 3,604 11.1% 29 8 -72.4% Williams city 2,266 2,864 26.4% 112 51 -54.5% Window Rock CDP 2,230 3,041 36.4% 7 0 Winkelman town 1,060 452 -57.4% 0 4 Winslow city 7,921 9,536 20.4% 309 473 53.1% Youngtown town 2,254 3,007 33.4% 6 0 -100.0% 42,433 77,545 82.7% 1,693 2,512 48.4% Willow Valley CDP Yuma city Source: US Census Bureau 553 0 -100.0% did not enter Phoenix at the rate (i.e., relative to their size in the population) they settled in other major Maricopa County cities. For instance, while the black proportion of phoenix’s population grew by about 73 percent within that period, places such as Chandler, Gilbert, Glendale, Goodyear, Mesa, Peoria, Scottsdale, and Tempe all saw rates of increases that more than doubled the black population. Although still small relatively, Gilbert, by far, recorded the highest growth rate. Interestingly, this is the same Town of Gilbert that has remained in the news as not only the fastest growing city in Arizona, but one of the fastest growing in the country. Apparently, whatever is drawing people to Gilbert has not been lost on the black population either. To make a little more sense of these trajectories, it is also useful to compare the overall rate of population change within each city to the black population trajectory within the same period. Table 3 reveals some differences at the margin. Overall, however, at least for the central cities, the patterns of black population change mirror those of the broader community. That is, the black population tended to increase dramatically where the total population also increased. This finding is important as it suggests that blacks respond to the same push-pull factors that affect other groups in the state. The information in Table 4 relays some population characteristics for the black population, as they compare to Arizona generally. Several pieces of information are worth nothing. First, up to 23.4 percent of the increase in the black population in the state between 1995–2000 alone was attributable to black in-migration. Secondly, while 13.9 percent of Arizona families lived with incomes below the poverty line in 2000, that proportion for blacks was 20.0 percent. Thirdly, Arizona has a good number of black elderly (almost 10,000 people), including males and females. Of course, this has implications for elderly care and the distribution of services generally. Another group of particular interest should be blacks under 21 years of age. Like the elderly, the under-21 group desires special services, especially in the areas of health and education. Moreover, there is the critical issue of the plight of the black male, something that continues to garner national attention. Segregation An important aspect of analyzing racial and ethnic populations is to examine the level of segregation The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table 4. Population Characteristics (2000 Census) within the community. Generally, segregation refers to how separate the minority group lives from the white population (as a reference group).The dissimilarity index is used to track segregation at the community level. A white-black dissimilarity index of 50.0 simply means that half of the white population in that community will have to relocate in order to get an even distribution of the white and black population within that city. When a group’s population is below 1,000, caution is exercised in interpreting its dissimilarity index. These dissimilarity indices and their rankings for Arizona cities are presented in Table 5. A general observation in Table 5 has to do with the scattering of cities. Table 5 does not suggest any pattern in the way cities are scattered around segregation indices. These data show, very clearly, that while the City of Phoenix has the largest single black population of any city, it also has the highest white-black dissimilarity index, 54.4. Thus, to achieve white-black population parity in population distribution within the City of Phoenix, slightly more than onehalf of the white population will need to relocate their residence within the city. At 17.2, the City of Gilbert has the lowest level of black segregation from the white Factor Arizona Black Arizona Total Male 2,556,483 81,539 Total Female 2,577,149 72,777 population. An important question, which may also explain the minimal level of segregation in Gilbert, of course, is how new white-black in-migration changes the level of segregation within each city. n Male Below 21 815,406 28,952 Male 21-64 1,556,483 48,341 Male 65 and Above 296,109 4,246 Female Below 21 771,609 26,360 Female 21-64 1,431,052 40,959 Female 65 and Above 371,488 5,458 End Note All data used in this analysis are taken from standard U.S. Census reports. These reports cover the 1980, 1990, and 2000 Census. The figures for 2005 are the official Census estimates. The material covered under “Segregation” comes from: William H. Frey and Dowell Myer’s analysis of Census 2000; and the Social Science Data Analysis Network (SSDAN). Living in a Different State — 33,367 or Foreign Country 1995-2000 Income Below Poverty Level 23 (23.4%) 13.90% 20.00% NOTE: Data taken from U.S. Census. Table 5. Arizona cities ranked by White/Black Dissimilarity Index City Total Population Black Population Percent Black Dissimilarity Index Rank Phoenix 1,321,045 63,756 4.83% 54.4 1 Flagstaff 52,894 866 1.64% 43.2 2 Surprise 30,848 744 2.41% 42.9 3 Lake Havasu 41,938 127 0.30% 41 4 Glendale 218,812 9,818 4.49% 39.8 5 Yuma 77,515 2,220 2.86% 36.8 6 Casa Grande 25,224 1,020 4.04% 35.6 7 Tucson 486,699 19,795 4.07% 35 8 Mesa 396,375 9,377 2.37% 34 9 Prescott 33,938 149 0.44% 33.4 10 Tempe 158,625 5,546 3.50% 30.7 11 Apache Junction 31,814 168 0.53% 29.7 12 Scottsdale 202,705 2,398 1.18% 28.8 13 Peoria 108,364 2,887 2.66% 27.6 14 Sierra Vista 37,775 3,943 10.44% 26.3 15 Bullhead City 33,769 317 0.94% 24.5 16 Oro Valley town 29,700 303 1.02% 21.2 17 Chandler 176,581 5,821 3.30% 20.8 18 Avondale 35,883 1,748 4.87% 20.6 19 Gilbert 109,697 2,515 2.29% 17.2 20 Source: William H. Frey and Dowell Myers’ analysis of Census 2000; and the Social Science Data Analysis Network (SSDAN) Arizona’s Black Economy: Achieving Sustainability through Community, Empowerment, and Education by Rodrick Miller “Black civic groups need to increase focus on economic prosperity by leveraging best practices nationally that do more than provide counsel, but actually have financial programs in place to raise people out of poverty, increase homeown­ership and launch minority enterprises.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 This essay will delve into the economic condition of black Arizonans ranging from housing affordability to worrisome unemployment numbers. It will examine the implications of current conditions given population projections and existing local and state policy, and will prescribe certain changes that need to be made to ensure that Arizona builds and sustains a strong black economy. This essay aims to tackle tough questions, providing an overview of the black condition, factors that feed this situation and prescriptive advice to develop a strong black economy. Relevance of the State of Black Arizona’s Economy Arizona is soon expected to follow Hawaii, New Mexico, California, and Texas as a “majority-minority” state, a state in which the non-Hispanic single-race white population is outnumbered by minorities.[1] Arizona’s population under 18 years of age is already majority-minority with minorities representing nearly 54 percent of the population.[2] This demographic shift promises to bring considerable changes to the state in terms of the political landscape, education and workforce needs, and sense of community and identity. The future of Arizona is inextricably tied to the social and economic well-being of its emerging majority-minority population. Historically, blacks have been at a disadvantage. Long-standing issues of subjugation, lack of access to education and systemic discrimination have contributed to current challenges within the black community. Furthermore, this history from slavery to Jim Crow to the present has served as fodder for a polarized society that struggles to figure out how to communicate, work, play and live together. In many places around the country these differences are most notably marked by the disparity in the economic situation, between blacks and whites. As Arizona moves to a majorityminority state, it is critical that we tackle this history and our reality head on. Without an honest and open discussion of the past, the factors contributing to the current divide, and our current situation it is impossible to move forward as a unified society that embraces the differences which make us America and make us great. Arizona’s black population follows Hispanics and American Indians as the state’s third largest minority. Unfortunately, this often means that issues specific to the black community get overshadowed. The more recent influx of blacks from around the country seeking opportunity in Arizona is introducing new momentum into the state’s black community. Many of these blacks come to Arizona for the same quality of life factors that others see. Additionally, the perception of no sinister state history of racism towards blacks is seen as an additional benefit. Sense of Place Ethnic communities have long been places of refuge for minority populations whether it is Harlem in New York, Anacostia in Washington, the Polish neighborhoods of Chicago, or south Boston for the Italians. They serve as places where one can find foods, artwork, and music that reflect their history and view of self. More importantly, these communities serve as places where being black or Polish or Italian is the norm, not the anomaly. This allows for those of similar ethnic backgrounds to coalesce and exert influence politically, socially and economically around common goals and values. These ethnic communities contribute to a sense of pride and serve as a platform for preserving culture. Arizona has not yet arrived at a place where it can be considered a hub of black culture, but significant strides are being made as the numbers of blacks increase and amenities catering to the black population begin to arise. For Arizona, South Phoenix, a historically black and Hispanic neighborhood, once represented such a place. In the past it was the focal point of the region’s black community but new population growth has occurred in different areas of the Valley as newcomers seek different neighborhoods and better schools. In 1970, around 41 percent (13,500 individuals) of Greater Phoenix’s African-Americans lived in South 27 28 Phoenix. As of 2000, that number had climbed to more than 17,000, but representing only 15 percent of the Valley’s 114,551 AfricanAmericans.[3] Given its relatively small size, this means that the region’s black population is highly scattered around the Valley, leading to challenges in terms of community-building. South Phoenix itself is in transition; though in the past it has suffered from problems of crime and unemployment and continues to do so, it is undergoing a renaissance, in part due to new housing construction and an influx of middle-class population that is driving the demand for new retail outfits. The growth of the area undoubtedly has affected the feel and the identity of the community. Even beyond South Phoenix, Arizona’s black population is highly concentrated in Maricopa and Pima Counties. This is a fairly close reflection of the overall population concentration around the state; however, whereas around 60 percent of Arizona’s overall population is located in Maricopa County, more than 72 percent of Arizona’s black population is located in Maricopa County.[4] The statistics examined below to some extent reflect two diverging segments of the community — the “native” population concentrated for the most part in South Phoenix and the “newcomers” scattered throughout the Valley. The “native” population often faces typical inner-city issues such as failing schools and crime. The “newcomer” population tends to be more affluent with higher education and income levels, but struggles with a lack of sense of community. One possible explanation for some of these disparities is that those with higher education and income levels have the mobility and confidence to move to the new West versus many working class blacks in other regions who do not have the wherewithal to make such a bold move. Concomitantly, blacks who migrate to Arizona tend to display an inexplicable drive as stories shared among black acquaintances show a thread of leaving behind the familiar and starting anew in Arizona with little to no connections and none of the baggage of their old life. As of 2005, 11.3 percent of Maricopa County’s black population lived in a different state the previous year. This compares with 5.4 percent of the overall population, signaling the importance of in-migration to the growth of the Valley’s black community. There is not sufficient data to solidify these anecdotal experiences, but this willingness to try something new seems to be a central driver of a new black population to Arizona. The crux of building a strong black economy for Arizona, and in particular for metropolitan Phoenix, lies in bringing together the “native” black and the “newcomer” to tackle issues endemic to certain areas of the Valley, while also building a sense of “place,” geographically and through social networks, that satisfies the need for community. Education Arizona’s black population is faced with two general challenges in terms of education. First, achieving greater high school completion rates and second, translating a relatively high percentage of the population with some college or associates degree training to higher levels of college and gradu- ate school completion. Arizona’s black population has a higherthan-average proportion of high school graduates (23.75 percent versus 22.49 perccent overall for the state) and a higher-than-average proportion of individuals with some college experience or an associates degree. The proportion of individuals with a bachelor’s degree or a graduate or professional degree is below average. Almost 13.5 percent of Arizona’s black population has not graduated high school, below the state average; however, the 41.67 percent of Hispanics without a high school diploma heavily sways the average. Arizona’s Economy A strong economy is one with the ideal mix of competitive factors to drive higher personal incomes.[5] Broadly, these factors Table 1. Arizona Total White Black Hispanic Not a high school graduate 17.27% 9.47% 13.41% 41.67% High school graduate (including equivalency) 22.49% 21.62% 23.75% 24.31% Some college or associate degree 36.04% 39.41% 42.37% 25.53% Bachelor’s degree 15.96% 19.53% 13.89% 5.76% Graduate or Professional Degree 8.25% 9.98% 6.58% 2.73% Source: 2000 Census Special EEO Tabulation, Arizona; calculations by author The State of Black Arizona   2008 include things such as government and fiscal policy, human resources and infrastructure. Overall, Arizona’s economy is a high growth economy largely due to high levels of population growth resulting from factors such as an abundance of jobs, low labor costs, access to quality housing and other quality of life issues. Arizona civic and governmental leadership have made choices that have led to Arizona’s current economic strength. Table 4 provides a snapshot of the Arizona economy which will serve as the backdrop for understanding the condition of the black Arizonan. On average, for every AfricanAmerican-owned business in Arizona that employs people, there are ten non-employee, one-person establishments. Total, there are 629 African-Americanowned employer firms in Arizona, 466 of which are located in Maricopa County, consistent with population concentration in the state. Outside of Maricopa and Pima Counties, there are 77 African-American-owned employer firms. This low performance in the number of black firms is also replicated when one looks at unemployment, income and homeownership in Arizona. Blacks are second only to Native-Americans in unemployment with a figure of around nine percent unemployment whereas whites hover in the three – four percent range.[6] Concomitantly, the income of Maricopa County’s black population is well below the average for the overall population as the table below shows. Black households bring in roughly 30 percent less in annual income Table 2. than the rest of the population and are disproportionately concentrated in the service sector and administrative support area.[7] The figures in Table 6 point to some tremendous discrepancies which could be the byproduct of a variety of realities including systemic discrimination, education discrepancies and higher histories of incarceration among black men. These are unfortunate realities, given that Greater Phoenix is the fastest growing economy in the nation and has been ranked as the number 1 place for entrepreneurs by Entrepreneur Magazine. In the midst of an economic boom, all citizens should have opportunities to advance and succeed. Arizona needs to make sure that access to achievement is available to all its citizens if the current economic tide is to continue. Blacks continue to lag in homeownership. Of 55,042 housing units occupied by AfricanAmericans in Maricopa County, only 39.3 percent of those units are owner-occupied in contrast to 67.5 percent owner-occupied for the population overall. The median value of houses owned by African-Americans is $199,900 as compared with $212,700 for the overall population. However, the median monthly owner costs for African-Americans is $1,291 for less valued homes versus $1,275 in costs for the overall population, which suggests Maricopa County’s black population may be on average more subject to discriminatory lending. These figures are especially important given that on average 33 percent of Americans’ net worth is tied to their homes.[8] Table 3. MARICOPA COUNTY Total White Black Hispanic PIMA COUNTY Total White Black Hispanic Not a high school graduate 17.00% 8.80% 13.50% 46.36% Not a high school graduate 14.41% 8.11% 12.23% 29.55% High school graduate (including equivalency) 21.18% 20.63% 23.30% 22.79% High school graduate (including equivalency) 21.60% 19.63% 24.59% 26.25% Some college or associate degree 35.89% 39.59% 42.00% 22.75% Some college or associate degree 37.19% 39.18% 45.03% 32.54% Bachelor’s degree 17.57% 21.20% 14.29% 5.52% Bachelor’s degree 16.33% 19.90% 12.94% 7.90% Graduate or Professional Degree 8.37% 9.78% 6.90% 2.58% Graduate or Professional Degree 10.46% 13.18% 5.21% 3.76% Source: 2000 Census Special EEO Tabulation, Arizona; calculations by author Source: 2000 Census Special EEO Tabulation, Arizona; calculations by author 29 “ 30 While statistics indicate that Arizona students are not prepared for the global economy, I am optimistic that Governor Napolitano’s vision for the future of education in Arizona will make a difference for all students. As the P20 Council initiative begins to take shape, it is encouraging to see multiple communities coming together to collaborate on short- and long-term strategies for addressing Arizona’s educational issues. Crafting a new village to incorporate educational, public, private, non-profit, government, philanthropic, economic, business, religious, ethnic and minority communities as a comprehensive educational support system is the type of commitment needed for the global sustainability of all students, particularly African-Americans.” Pamela Williams, Crafting a Village Overall, Arizona’s economy is on an upward trend. Unfortunately, these trends don’t always translate into wealth for Arizona’s black citizens. Nationally, there are numerous banks, government entities and business groups focused on wealth creation and entrepreneurship in the black community. These groups tend to have a variety of loans, special mentoring programs and other services to help black businesses get off the ground. Arizona seems to lack thrust in this movement. The data shows that the average employer firm has roughly ten people. For Arizona’s economy to be optimized, black firms need to grow and be strong. More needs to be done to encourage entrepreneurship and grow business. There are some groups such as the Black Chamber of Commerce and the Minority Business Enterprise Center that will hopefully start to chip away at some of these realities moving forward. Community Policy Recommendations This section aims to provide some broad policy direction based on the data available. The recommendations below hint at the author’s strong belief in targeted programs, self-empowerment, and sustainability: • B  lack civic groups need to increase focus on economic prosperity by leveraging best practices nationally that do more than provide counsel, but actually have financial programs in place to raise people out of poverty, increase homeownership and launch minority enterprises. • B  lack business leaders should assess opportunities from a real estate perspective to develop cultural hubs which provide that sense of place many AfricanAmericans seek. A true black community emanates deep church affiliations, strong artis- tic presence and a commitment to empowerment. This community should also serve as a point of convergence for blacks who have lived in Arizona all their lives and the “newcomers”. • T he universities should examine providing targeted programs that better society in the long-term by educating more people, doing it in a manner that recognizes individual strengths and weakness, and addressing social injustices. The university system should reflect on its core values and ask, “Are we advancing the values we purport when it comes to the minority community?” Arizona State University’s plan for “The New American University” that provides access to a broad spectrum of the population and hinges on social embeddedness is a step in the right direction.[9] Table 4. Arizona Economy Snapshot Arizona Greater Phoenix Population 6,305,210 3,792,675 Average Wage $36,260 $37,130 Household Income $59,262 $63,868 Unemployment Rate* 3.9% 3.3% Civilian Labor Force 3,021,000 1,964,800 Major Industries Construction High Tech Electronics Finance and Insurance Aerospace Leisure and Hospitality Advanced Business Services Aerospace Sources: Arizona Department of Economic Security Population Estimates, July 2006, Bureau of Labor Statistics Occupational Wage Rates, May 2006, U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey, 2005, Arizona Workforce Informer Non Farm Employment, May 2007. ES 202 IMPLAN, 2005. * Average through May 2007 The State of Black Arizona   2008 • A  stronger system of social networks needs to be developed via churches, community groups, professional associations and academic institutions to connect African-Americans across the spectrum of experiences. Those who have “made it” in industry, academia or entrepreneurship must reach back and help those who are still trying to find their way. Mentorship and community unity are critical to reversing the current trends in the black community. n  U.S. Census Bureau, Press Release, August 11, 2005. “Texas becomes nation’s newest “majority-minority” state, Census Bureau Announces” [2]  U.S. Census Bureau, 2005 American Community Survey [3]  Being Black in the Valley. The Arizona Republic. February 18, 2007. [4]  US Census Bureau, Census 2000 Redistricting Data [5]  Based roughly on Michael Porter’s definition of competitiveness translated by the author based on the Beacon Hill’s Institute competitiveness research. www.bhi.org [6] 2000 US Census [7]  Nearly a quarter (23.11 percent) of Arizona’s black population works in [1] 31 administrative support occupations, well above 17.19 percent for the overall population. Blacks also have a higher than average proportion of service workers, 14.02 percent as compared to 12.66 percent overall. 2000 Census Special EEO Tabulation, Arizona; calculations by author [8]  US Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration; Net Worth and Asset Ownership of Households: 1998 to 2000, Issued May 2003 [9]  For more information about the New American University go to http: //www.asu.edu/president/newamericanuniversity/ Table 5. African-American Firms Year # of firms Rcpts ($1,000) number of employer firms Rcpts for employers ($1,000) Number of employees Annual payroll ($1,000) Number of nonemployer firms Arizona 2002 6,330 530,169 629 395,540 6,530 128,952 5,701 Maricopa County 2002 4,675 420,264 466 312,249 5,234 102,401 4,210 Pima County 2002 942 68,470 86 57,981 779 17,141 855 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2002 Survey of Business Owners Table 6. Arizona Income Levels Total Population Black or African American Alone Median household income $48,711 $32,967 Median family income $56,818 $40,679 Per capita income $25,171 $19,507 Mean earning for year-round full-time workers Male $54,700 $42,092 Female $41,280 $34,630 Median earning for year-round full-time workers Male $40,634 $31,994 Female $34,132 $30,199 Figure BL1.1. Percent Distribution of African-American Owned Firms by Industry Division in Arizona (2002) Figure BL2.1. Percent Distribution of African-American Owned Firms by Industry Division in US (2002) Source: Institutional Analysis (ASU, UA, NAU) Source: Institutional Analysis (ASU, UA, NAU) Figure BL1.2. Sales and Receipts for African-American Owned Firms in Arizona (2002) Figure BL2.2. Sales and Receipts for African-American Owned Firms in the US (2002) Source: Institutional Analysis (ASU, UA, NAU) Source: Institutional Analysis (ASU, UA, NAU) 32 The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table BL1. Arizona Statewide Civilian Labor Force Status by Sex & Race/Hispanic Origin TOTAL Civilian Labor Force Age 16 Years & Over EMPLOYED Population 16 Years & Over in Civilian Labor Force Ethnic Group Both Sexes Male Female Both Sexes Male Female Both Sexes % Rate Male % Rate Female % Rate Total Population 2,366,372 1,294,809 1,071,563 2,233,004 1,221,878 1,011,126 133,368 5.6% 72,931 5.6% 60,437 5.6% 510,244 299,805 210,439 468,807 277,513 191,294 41,437 8.1% 22,292 7.4% 19,145 9.1% White Alone not Hispanic 1,626,105 874,863 751,242 1,559,961 838,817 721,144 66,144 4.1% 36,046 4.1% 30,098 4.0% Black Alone not Hispanic 67,623 36,474 31,149 61,534 33,038 28,496 6,089 9.0% 3,436 9.4% 2,653 8.5% AIAN1 Alone not Hispanic 78,849 39,520 39,329 64,021 30,950 33,071 14,828 18.8% 8,570 21.7% 6,258 15.9% Asian Alone not Hispanic 45,584 23,424 22,160 43,447 22,354 21,093 2,137 4.7% 1,070 4.6% 1,067 4.8% NHOPI2 Alone not Hispanic 2,588 1,441 1,147 2,412 1,356 1,056 176 6.8% 85 5.9% 91 7.9% Other race alone not Hispanic 2,531 1,317 1,214 2,436 1,259 1,177 95 3.8% 58 4.4% 37 3.0% 2 or more races not Hispanic 32,848 17,965 14,883 30,386 16,591 13,795 2,462 7.5% 1,374 7.6% 1,088 7.3% Hispanic [1] [2] AIAN is an acronym for American Indian and Alaska Native NHOPI is an acronym for Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Source: www.workforce.az.gov Data source is 2000 Census Special EEO Tabulation: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/eeoindex.html Note for Figures BL1.2 and BL2.2. Sales and receipts are defined as the receipts for goods produced or distributed or services provided. Excluded from sales are nonoperating receipts, returns on investments, and interest. For firms with multiple locations, sales and receipts are reported for each location or establishment of the firm. These sales and receipts include estimated values assigned to intra-company transfers of goods and services among establishments within the same company. Source: http://www.census.gov/csd/mwb/Appendix.htm UNEMPLOYED Population 16 Years & Over in Civilian Labor Force 33 An Analysis of Arizona’s Education System and its Impact on African-Americans by Lasana O. Hotep “Today, with all of the vestiges of racial segregation removed, African-Americans still face chal­lenges at the primary and second­ary levels.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 There is an inextricable connection between the quality of education a person receives and his/her ability to thrive in a society. Schools, kindergarten through 12th grade, are the institutions charged with preparing the youth for the challenges of the future. Therefore, by examining the schools and student performance, we can get a gauge on the preparedness of our future adult citizens. In an effort to examine the impact the state of Arizona’s educational system has on AfricanAmerican students, let’s first look at the status of education in the state. Arizona ranks 50th on the “Smartest State Award” list in the Morgan Quitno reference book Education State Rankings 2006-2007. Children in Arizona are less likely to succeed in the global economy than those in almost any other state according to the Education Week report Quality Counts: From Cradle to Career, ranking Arizona 49th (tied with Louisiana, see figure 1.1). According to the National Alliance for Public Charter schools 2005–2006 report, Arizona has 466 charter schools enrolling 83,092 students. African-American students make up approximately five percent of the student population of Arizona. An intensive study of the racial and ethnic composition of more than 100 of Arizona’s charter schools revealed that nearly half the schools exhibited evidence of substantial ethnic separation. These grim statistics combined with a history of racial discrimination in Arizona education provides an indication of the challenges that face African-Americans in the state. People of African descent have faced adversities within the educational system before Arizona was granted statehood on Valentine’s Day, 1912. In 1910 Benjamin B. Moeur, one of the drafters of Arizona’s state constitution exclaimed, “You gentlemen can do what you please, but I for one, won’t send my children to school with the niggers, and I will fight sending them until I die!” (Whitaker, 114). This attitude translated into legislation as the mandatory segregation law was passed in 1912. As it is with most cases of segregation, the educational system was separate and unequal (Thul, 36). One of the major results of this was a college attendance rate of 17.4 percent for Anglos and almost five percent for blacks in 1940 (Thul, 38). Patterns like these would continue far past the end of legal segregation in 1953. Today, with all of the vestiges of racial segregation removed, African-Americans still face challenges at the primary and secondary levels. According to the Arizona Department of Educations Report Card, in grades three through 10, students perform at a proficiency rate of approximately 70 percent in math and reading (see fig 2.1 and 2.2). When examining African-American students’ performance, their proficiency is consistently near the sixtieth percentile, while in the case of the sixth graders they perform under 50 percent proficiency in math (see figure 3.1 and 3.2) High school drop-out rates are another indicator of the state of African-American students. According to the Arizona Department of Education, as of 2001, the high school drop-out rate for all students was 9.8 percent. AfricanAmerican high school males dropped out at a rate of 13.1 percent. Comparatively, AfricanAmerican females dropped out at a rate of 10.4 percent. Although the young women faired better than the young men, they both exceeded the state average. A key indicator of success for college students is the persistence or retention rate. Persistence is defined as the percentage of first-time, full-time freshmen who complete freshman year and reenrolls for the sophomore year. Arizona State University (ASU) has an average retention rate of 78.5 percent. African-Americans are retained at a rate of 71.4 percent (see figure 4.1). At the University of Arizona, African-Americans are retained at the rate of 68.2 percent compared with a university wide retention rate of 79.1 percent (see figure 4.2). A cursory glance at the above statistics clearly alerts one that there is room for improvement. Where do we start? Do we continue to look toward failed programs like No Child Left Behind (NCLB)? Is the answer found in the mass 37 “ 38 After all, if you ask some five-year-olds what they want to be when they grow up, I doubt you’d get the answer ‘Prisoner 7-8-4-3.’ Instead, they dream of being a teacher, a doctor, a policeman or an astronaut. And if you ask me, we need to make sure our children have the foundations they need to help them open whatever door to success they want.” Senator Leah Landrum-Taylor, African-American Legislature Days Speech, 2007 Figure 1.1. Success Indicators Arizona State Average National Average Points Awarded Family income — Children from families with incomes at least 200% of poverty level 53.2% -2 59.8% Parent education — Children with at least one partent with a postsecondary degree 36.8% -2 42.5% Parental employment — Children with at least one parent working full-time, year-round 70.6% 0 70.6% Linguistic integration — Children whose parents are fluent English speakers 75.3% -2 84.3% Preschool enrollment — Three- and four-year-olds enrolled in preschool 32.8% -2 44.8% Kindergarten enrollment — Eligible children enrolled in kidergarten programs 76.7% 0 75.3% Elementary reading — Fourth grade public school students proficient on NAEP 23.6% -2 29.8% Middle school mathematics — Eighth grade public school students proficient on NAEP 25.7% -1 28.5% High school graduation — Public high school students who graduate with a diploma 70.0% 0 69.6% Postsecondary participation — Young adults enrolled in postsecondary or with a degree 41.4% -2 47.8% Adult educational attainment — Adults with a two- or four-year postsecondary degree 35.3% -2 37.4% Annual income — Adults with incomes at or above national median 48.7% -2 50.0% Steady employment — Adults in labor force working full time and year-round 67.9% +1 67.2% State Score: State Rank: -16 49 Chance-for-Success Index To better understand the part that education plays over a lifetime, the Editorial Projects in Education Research Center has developed the Chance-for-Success Index. Based on an original state-by-state analysis, this index combines information from 13 indicators that span an individual’s life from cradle to career. The Chance-for-Success framework allows states to identify strong and weak links in its residents’ educational life course — their typical trajectory from childhood through adulthood. More importantly, the index also provides information that could be used to target the efforts of public education systems in ways that better serve students of all ages. The State of Black Arizona   2008 Figure 2.1. Federal Accountability (AIMS) All students — Math Figure 2.2. Federal Accountability (AIMS) All students — Reading 39 Figure 3.1. Federal Accountability (AIMS) African-American students — Math exporting of students to charter schools? I recommend we begin to examine targeted programs across the board that have proven themselves to be effective in educating African-American youth. One particularly successful program to improve math scores and prepare students for the skills they need for a global economy, is the Algebra Project. The Algebra Project was founded by former civil rights organizer Robert (Bob) P. Moses. Moses contends, “Math literacy is the key to 21st century citizenship (www.algebra.org).” During the 2002–2003 school year, in the Commonwealth of Virginia, Algebra Project students’ passing rates on standardized math test improved from 33 to 55 percent. One of the keys to the Algebra Project’s success is the use of students’ surroundings as teaching tools. This is best explained on the Algebra Project website: The Algebra Project develops and implements curricular interventions that build on experiences students find interesting — and understand intuitively — to help them shift from arithmetic to algebraic thinking. A ride on a subway, a trip on a bus, or a community walking tour become the basis for understanding displacements, while stories about “making do” help students grasp the difference between equivalence and equality. The concepts of displacements and equivalence then provide a new approach to understanding integers. Teachers use inquiry-based teaching strategies that build on students’ concrete experiences, then coach them to construct new experiences that will help them find answers by asking increasingly sophisticated questions. Figure 3.2. Federal Accountability (AIMS) African-American students — Reading AMO = Annual Measurable Objectives: federally mandated goal for percentage of students who must pass AIMS. 40 “ …As a grandparent of five (four boys and one girl), I am greatly concerned that another generation of African-American children will suffer even greater disparity in academic achievement unless alternative options are considered for closing the gap between African-American and White students … It is my recommendation that the efforts to improve early childhood education include a model for culturally appropriate pedagogy that combines classroom instruction, cultural enrichment and an instructional accountability infrastructure.” Figure 4.1. Fall 2005 First-Time Freshman One-Year Persistence Pamela Williams, “Crafting a New Village” Arizona State University Institutional Analysis This approach goes beyond the concept of “teaching to test” by using real life experiences to rely mathematical concepts. The African-American Men of Arizona State University (AAMASU) program is a Phoenix metropolitan area-wide effort aimed at addressing the large drop-out number and also preparing families with African-American sons for that journey towards higher education (www.aamasu.org). The AAMASU High School to College (H2C) program offers college readiness workshops to high school men and their parent(s) or guardian(s) in an effort to demystify the process of entering higher education for many first generation college students. Parents and students visit campus three times a semester to attend workshops addressing the issues of financing college, preparing for the SAT/ACT and leadership at the collegiate level. In the final analysis it becomes quite clear that a structural change must happen at state and federal levels. NCLB has proven that it can set standards but does not necessarily provide structural support or skills needed to thrive in a global economy. The state bears responsibility in realizing the system they have been using is considered a failure by every national indicator and ranks at the bottom of almost every study. Therefore, they really have little to lose by being daring and partnering with some of the programs that I mentioned above. As a collective, AfricanAmericans in Arizona have a long journey ahead of us in raising the educational proficiency for our students. With the state as a whole being in a dismal condition, we face a double challenge. However, the task is not beyond solutions. Basic practices such as attending parent-teacher conferences, checking your student’s homework and participating in your child’s extracurricular activities go a long way. If your schedule does not allow you to be as active, partner your child with a local community organization that focuses on youth development. Preparing the African-American student of today creates the reality for the community we have tomorrow. n Works Cited http://www.aamasu.org http://www.Algebraproject.org Editorial Projects in Education Research Center. “Quality Counts 2007: From Cradle to Career” Education Week vol.26 issue 17. Morgan Quitno. Education State Rankings 2006 – 2007.Lawrence, Kansas: Morgan Quitno Press, 2006. State Report Card. Arizona Department of Education. www.ade.az.gov Thul, J.L. (1993) African-American School Segregation in Arizona from 1863-1954. MA thesis. Arizona State University Whitaker, Matthew. Race Work: The Rise of Civil Rights in the Urban West. Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2005. The State of Black Arizona   2008 “ Figure 4.2 UA First-Year Retention Rate: 79.1% UA Six-Year Graduation Rate: 54.7% UA AfricanAmerican AsianAmerican Caucasian Hispanic Native American First-year retention 68.2% 86.3% 80.7% 72.6% 63.6% Six-year graduation 38.9% 58.0% 57.3% 44.8% 26.3% First-Year Retention Rate from Fall 2004 Cohort, Six-Year Average Graduation Rate from 1991–1999 Source: UA Decision and Planning Support As a parent, I am concerned that in some ways desegregation has been detrimental to the psyche of many African American children, mine included. I am concerned that there are currently more African Americans going from high school to prison than to college. I am concerned that academic failure, incarceration and unemployment are outcomes of the public schooling for African-American boys. I am concerned that countless studies indicate that the children of poverty have a decreased capacity for learning and contend that there are inherited, genetic differences among individuals, and that these are strongly correlated to race. Pamela Williams, “Crafting a New Village” Figure ED1. Percent with High School Completion or Higher in Arizona and the U.S. Figure ED2. Percent with Bachelor’s Degree or higher in Arizona and the U.S. Source: US Dept. of Education The high school completion among African Americans in Arizona is above par when compared to African Americans in the US. Also the performance of African Americans from 1990 to 2000 has commendably improved when compared to Arizona as a whole. Source: US Dept. of Education 41 Figure ED3. Comparison of African-Americans to Total Population for Educational Attainment in 2000 Figure ED4. High School Drop Out Rates by Race/Ethnicity in Arizona (2005–2006) Source: AZ Dept. of Education Dropout Rate Definition 42 Fig ED2 shows the distribution of education level with respect to the maximum level attained. For example, 38% of African Americans have completed some college (including Associate’s Degrees), but have not continued on to receive a Bachelor’s Degree. The definition of the dropout rate is Dropout Rate = Figure ED5. Arizona University Enrollment by Race/Ethnicity (2005) Summer dropouts before current school year + Current school year dropouts Students enrolled at the end of previous year + Students enrolled in current school year The following events are not considered dropouts: • The student left school but returned before the end of the same school year; • The student left school due to illness; • The student was remanded to the Arizona Department of Juvenile Corrections; • The student transferred to a home-taught program approved by the county superintendant; • The student is deceased; • The student left school at age 22. Source: AZ Dept. of Education Table ED5. Arizona University Enrollment by Ethnicity/Race (2005) Source: Institutional Analysis (ASU, UA, NAU) ASU UoA NAU African American 1679 1020 860 Asian/Pacific Islander 2365 2037 690 American Indian 1036 776 2458 Hispanic 6032 5101 4382 The State of Black Arizona   2008 Table ED1. Dropout, Status Unknown, GED, Still Enrolled and Graduation Rates by Race/Ethnicity for the Cohort Class of 2004: Arizona Race/Ethnicity GED Five Year Grad Class Membership Four Year Dropout Four Year Status Unknown Four Year Grad Still Enrolled after Fourth Year White 34454 3.3% 5.6% 84.3% 2.1% 1.8% 86.1% Hispanic 19891 7.1% 13.4% 66.6% 5.2% 1.0% 71.1% 68.7% Native American 4331 8.3% 14.5% 63.2% 8.2% 0.9% African American 2933 5.2% 9.8% 72.9% 3.9% 0.8% 76.4% Asian 1475 1.8% 4.5% 87.1% 2.3% 1.0% 89.3% Total 63084 4.9% 8.8% 76.8% 3.6% 1.4% 79.8% Source: Arizona Dept. of Education: Graduation Rate Report, Four- and Five-Year Graduation Rates for the Cohort Class of 2004 Figure ED6.1. Community College Graduation Rates for African-Americans in Arizona Figures ED6.1 and ED6.2 give a good picture of the graduation rates vs. the enrollment in communty colleges in Arizona. • There is no direct correlation betwwen the enrollment and graduation rates. • A low graduation rate does not necessarily lessen the standards of the college. • The low graduation rates in certain community colleges could be attributed to degree transfers, taking a course that is work related or transfer to a university. • Also observed is that colleges with high enrollment tend to have lower graduation rates than colleges with smaller enrollment numbers. Figure ED6.2. African-Americans Enrolled in Community College in Arizona (2004) 43 The State of Black Arizona: Health by Alyssa Robillard, Ph.D. ”The disproportionately higher rates of disease and death among African-Americans that have led to this designation as “worst” should serve as a call to action.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as “the state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” (WHO, 1948). Others see health along additional dimensions that include emotional, spiritual and environmental health as well (Cottrell, Girvan, McKenzie, 2002; Donatelle, 2000). While these definitions may be overly holistic for some, especially those who see them as too lofty a goal for individuals to achieve, they represent the pursuit of total well-being that extends far beyond simply “not being sick.” In fact, these definitions are highly suggestive of the intrinsic value of health. When health is robust, communities flourish. When health is compromised, communities are weakened. Poor health reduces the ability to maximize one’s contribution to society and robs individuals, families and communities of valued relationships, heritage and the sense of history that serves to strengthen each. African-Americans constitute approximately 13 percent of the U. S. population yet experience a disproportionately high burden of disease, injury, death and disability (USDHHS, 2005) as a consequence of health conditions such as cardiovascular disease, cerebrovascular disease (or strokes), cancer, diabetes, homicide and HIV/AIDS. The percentage population of African-Americans is much smaller here than nationally but morbidity and mortality rates are still higher than most other racial/ ethnic groups. Data from the Arizona Department of Health Services report, “Difference in the Health Status Among Race/Ethnic Groups, Arizona 2005,” show that AfricanAmericans in Arizona have the highest death rates overall, and the highest rates of death for heart disease, cancer, stroke, Alzheimer’s disease, homicide, HIV, injury by firearms and druginduced deaths. African-American mortality rates for diabetes and hypertension are second only to American Indians, another group whose health is severely compromised. The Arizona Department of Health Services measures overall health along 70 measures. According to these measures, African-Americans in Arizona rank lowest and therefore have the worst overall health status in the state. The disproportionately higher rates of disease and death among African-Americans that have led to this designation as “worst” should serve as a call to action. This essay will describe some of the major health issues facing African-American Arizonans: heart disease, stroke, HIV/AIDS and infant mortality. Heart Disease and Cerebrovascular Disease According to the American Heart Association (2007), AfricanAmericans have twice the risk of “first-ever stroke” compared with whites. One of the major factors for heart disease and stroke is hypertension. African-Americans have the highest prevalence of hypertension in the world and tend to develop it at younger ages with greater severity when compared with whites (American Stroke Association, 2005). Nearly five in 10 adult African-Americans in the U. S. have cardiovascular disease (American Heart Association, 2006). Figures 1 and 2 illustrate Table 1. 10 Leading Causes of Death, United States vs. Arizona Rank United States Arizona 1 Heart Disease Heart Disease 2 Cancer Cancer 3 Stroke Accidents 4 Lung Diseases Lung Diseases 5 Accidents Stroke 6 Diabetes Alzheimer’s Disease 7 Influenza/Pneumonia Influenza/Pneumonia 8 Alzheimer’s Disease Diabetes 9 Kidney Disease Suicide 10 Septicemia (Blood Infection) Liver Disease 47 Table 2. Leading Causes of Death for African-American Arizonans, Rate per 100,000 48 Rank Cause of Death Rate per 100,000 1 Heart Disease 250.3 2 Cancer 217.9 3 Stroke 66.0 64.3 4 Accidents 5 Diabetes 55.2 6 Lung Diseases 43.9 7 Alzheimer’s Disease 42.7 8 Drug-related Deaths 28.4 9 Homicide 27.4 23.4 10 Deaths by Firearms 11 Influenza/Pneumonia 21.6 12 Kidney Disease 19.8 the disparity in heart disease and stroke deaths in Arizona by race/ethnicity. Black Arizonans have the highest rates compared with other groups. Cancer Disparities also exist for most types of cancer, including colon/ rectal, stomach, and prostate, where African-Americans in the U.S. have a higher number of newly diagnosed cases (USDHHS, 2005; American Cancer Society, 2007). Overall, African-Americans have the highest rates of death due to cancer and the shortest survival times of any racial/ethnic group (American Cancer Society, 2007). Much of this is because African-American patients engage medical help at later stages of the disease which severely impacts the likelihood of effective treatment. Among African-American Arizonans, cancer ranks as the third leading cause of death — with a higher mortality rate than any other racial/ethnic group. (See Figure 3.) HIV/AIDS Nationally, African-Americans make up almost half of new HIV infections (CDC, 2006). In Arizona, the rate of HIV/AIDS is highest among African-Americans (See Figure 4). Additionally, rates of other sexually transmitted infectious diseases are exceptionally high among African-Americans. The remarkably high disparity in rates of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections indicates a great need to address the behavioral risks associated with their transmission. Infant Mortality Infant mortality and life expectancy are additional indicators of the overall health and well-being of a population, and racial disparities exist along both of these lines. Infant mortality rates represent the number of deaths among babies less than one year of age within a given population during a specific period of time (Office of Minority Health, 2007b). In 2004, non-Hispanic black women in the U.S. had the highest rates of infant mortality — 13.60 deaths per 1,000 live births as compared with 5.66 deaths per 1,000 live births for white women (Matthews & MacDorman, 2007). In Arizona, infant mortality rates for African-American women have decreased since 2000 and are slightly lower than the national rates for black women, yet they remain highest in the state. (Figure 5). Life expectancy is an estimate of the average number of years of life from birth, if current death rates were to remain the same (National Center for Health Statistics, 2007). Although life expectancy has seen an increase over the 20th century, black men continue to have the lowest life expectancy at birth at 69.5 years of age. (See Table 3). Researchers have suggested that the gap The State of Black Arizona   2008 Figure 1. Number of Deaths per 100,000 Population from Heart Disease by Race/ Ethnicity, Arizona, 2005 in mortality between blacks and whites exists as a consequence of heart disease, homicide, HIV and infant mortality (Harper, Lynch, Burris, & Smith, 2007). Conclusion The disproportionately high rates of chronic conditions like heart disease, strokes, cancer, hypertension and diabetes, as well as infectious diseases like HIV, are a consequence of a myriad of factors. In 1998, under former President Bill Clinton, the “President’s Initiative to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Disparities” was established to address these disparities with former Surgeon General David Satcher leading the charge (Satcher, 2001). Although efforts to address health disparities have begun and stand as a prominent goal for the nation, data indicate that great disparities remain in the United States and in Arizona, particularly for AfricanAmericans. The data speak loudly to the problem, but the data do not offer a solution. Meeting the goals of Healthy People 2010 with respect to African-Americans in Arizona will require thoughtful and innovative strategies that emerge only with the input and participation of the local community. Figure 2. Number of Deaths per 100,000 Population from Cerebrovascular Disease (Stroke) by Race/Ethnicity, Arizona, 2005 Figure 3. Number of Deaths per 100,000 Population from Cancer by Race/Ethnicity, Arizona, 2005 Figure 4. Rates of HIV/AIDS per 100,000 Population by Race/Ethnicity, Arizona, 2005 Source: Arizona Department of Health Services. Differences in the Health Status Among Race/Ethnic Groups, Arizona, 2005 49 Figure 5. African-American Infant Mortality Rate in Arizona 50 Table 3. Life expectancy (Years) at birth, United States Black White Female 76.3 80.8 Male 69.5 75.7 Source: Health, United States, 2006 With Chartbook on Trends in the Health of Americans., National Center for Health Statistics Working with a local group of Community Partners to discuss issues related to healthcare provider education highlighted the fact that cultural competency is an important and on-going concern. Healthcare providers, with a limited sense of African-American health issues and the culture that can support or inhibit behavior among African-Americans, can do a disservice to their patients. It is important to hold health agencies accountable for their role in protecting and promoting the public’s health, including the African-American public. Through collaborative processes, community members can demand that appropriate resources be directed toward ways to alleviate health problems and reduce health disparities among those whose health is the “worst” in the state. As a health educator by training and practice, I subscribe to the use of health education and health promotion principles to address health issues. As a researcher, I recognize the importance of research and evaluation as a component of health education and a necessary step to identify successful strategies and determine best practices. Zora Neale Hurston, the Harlem Renaissance writer, said, “Research … is formalized curiosity. It is poking and prying with purpose.” As a health behavior researcher, in a very figurative sense, it is necessary to poke and pry in an attempt to answer questions that will ultimately improve the health of the community. This research should be community-based participatory research — research that relies heavily on community-based groups to develop, implement and share the research. In this way, researchers build on the strengths of the community. Although African-Americans represent a smaller proportion of the population than other groups in Arizona, their health needs are no less important. In fact, addressing the health needs of the most compromised groups illustrates a true commitment to building a healthy Arizona. Several organizations targeting a variety of health concerns are committed to improving the health of AfricanAmericans in Arizona. Building upon strategies already in place that target African-Americans, we can improve the health of African-American Arizonans and eliminate the disparities that jeopardize our contribution to the future of the state. n The State of Black Arizona   2008 References American Cancer Society. (2007). Cancer Facts & Figures for African-Americans 2007-2008. Atlanta: American Cancer Society. American Heart Association. (2006, December). Heart facts 2007: All Americans/African-Americans. Cardiovascular diseases still no. 1. Retrieved May 22, 2007, from http://www. americanheart.org/downloadable/heart/ 1176927558476AllAmAfAm%20HeartFacts07_lores.pdf American Stroke Association. (2005). What about African-Americans and high blood pressure? Retrieved May 22, 2007, from http://www. americanheart.org/ downloadable/ heart/11208317263815%20ABH%20 WhatAboutAfcnAmHBP.pdf Arizona Department of Health Services. (2006). Differences in the health status among race/ethnic groups. Arizona, 2005. Retrieved May 24, 2007 from http://www. azdhs.gov/plan/report/dhsag/dhsag05/ethnic05.pdf Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2006). Cases of HIV infection and AIDS in the United States and dependent areas, 2005. HIV/AIDS surveillance report, 2005, 17: 1-54. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2007, February). HIV/AIDS among African-Americans. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/HIV/topics/aa/resources/ factsheets/pdf/aa.pdf Cottrell, R.R., Girvan, J.T., McKenzie, J.F. (2002). Principles & Foundations of Health Promotion and Education (2nd ed.). San Francisco: Benjamin Cummings. Donatelle, R. (2000). Health: The Basics (4th ed). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Harper, S., Lynch, J., Burris, S., & Smith, G.D. (2007). Trends in the black-white life expectancy gap in the United States, 1983-2003. Journal of the American Medical Association, 297: 1224-1232. Heron, M.P., & Smith, B.L. (2007). Deaths: Final Data for 2003. National Vital Statistics Reports, 55: 1-96. Matthews, T.J., & MacDorman, M.F. (2007). Infant mortality statistics from the 2004 period linked birth/infant death data set. National Vital Statistics Reports, 55: 1-36. Minino, A.M., Heron, M.P., & Smith, B.L. (2006). Deaths: Preliminary Data for 2004. National Vital Statistics Reports, 54: 1-50. National Center for Health Statistics (2006). Health, United States, 2006 with chartbook on trends in the health of Americans. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. National Institutes of Health. (n.d.). Addressing Health Disparities: The NIH Program of Action. What are Health Disparities? Retrieved May 20, 2007 from http://health disparities.nih.gov/ whatare.html. Office of Minority Health. (2007, May 11). Diabetes Fact Sheet: Eliminate Disparities in Diabetes. Retrieved May 22, 2007 from http://www.cdc.gov/omh/ AMH/factsheets/diabetes.htm Office of Minority Health. (2007b, May 11). Infant Mortality Fact Sheet: Eliminate Disparities in Infant Mortality. Retrieved May 22, 2007 from http:// www.cdc. gov/omh/AMH/factsheets/ infant.htm Satcher, D. (2001). Our commitment to eliminate racial and ethnic health disparities. Yale Journal of Health Policy, Law and Ethics, 1: 1-14. U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. (2000, November). Healthy People 2010: Understanding and Improving Health (2nd ed.). Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office. U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. (2005, January 14). Health disparities experienced by blacks or African-Americans—United States. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 54: 1-3. World Health Organization. (1948). Constitution of the World Health Organization. Geneva. * The “Provider Education” group includes Dr. N. Burton Attico, Retired Gynecologist; Dr. Olga Davis, Professor at Arizona State University; Ms. Barbara Freeman Maney, Executive Director of The Phoenix Birthing Project; Mr. Marion Kelly, Office of Community Affairs Director, Mayo Clinic; Ms. Michelov Rhau, former Program Manager with Arizona Family Planning Council; Dr. Alyssa Robillard, Asst. Professor at Arizona State University; and Ms. R.J. Shannon, Arizona Department of Health Services. 51 Excerpts from An Overview of Health Issues Concerning African-Americans in Arizona African American Legislative Health Committee Wanda M. Thompson, Chair “It is encouraging to know that efforts such as those described in this report are occurring. It shows there is a movement to make a difference. Awareness is key.” A PDF version of the entire document is available for download at http://www.asu.edu/vppa/asuforaz The State of Black Arizona   2008 The summary provided here identifies projects and organizations which target health disparities of African-Americans in Arizona with project contact information. It also includes a brief overview of selected health challenges as well as current and future research activities on health disparities. The committee offers recommendations for future directions, and, with community participation, suggests how best to reduce and eliminate African-American health disparities in the state of Arizona. The full version of this essay is available for download at: http://www.asu.edu/vppa/asuforaz. Successful Projects Targeting AfricanAmericans Infant Mortality The Phoenix Birthing Project, Inc. (PBP) is the only African-American maternal and child health agency in the state of Arizona. The model the PBP has used is derived from the “extended family model” where community members participate as extended family to support pregnant teens and women through their pregnancy and up until the baby’s first birthday. The Healthy Mothers/Healthy Babies Coalition launched the “It’s A Baby’s Life” campaign in Maryvale. The South Phoenix Healthy Start is the only federal Healthy Start Project in Arizona. It uses a combination of community health workers, case management, outreach, and the linkages within their Healthy Start Consortium to provide the federal Healthy Start Initiative model. Cardiovascular and Lung Disease The Cardiovascular and Lung Initiative, a collaborative effort known as “Heart and Soul,” between Tanner Community Development Corporation, the African-American Faith Partnership and the Black Nurses Association is an initiative designed to help close the gap in health disparities in heart disease among AfricanAmericans. The American Heart Association has also launched its “Cultural Health Initiatives” (CHI) to address heart disease prevention and target African-American and the Hispanic/Latino populations. The CHIs include Search Your Heart, a comprehensive heart disease and stroke prevention program, and Check for Life: Barber/Beauty Shop Blood Pressure Screening Program. Tobacco Prevention “Ashes To Ashes” is a collaborative partnership between the Tanner Community Development Corporation, the Arizona Department of Health Services and Southwest Dimensions, Inc. Ashes To Ashes uses bold reality to encourage change. Community linked health partners Tucson’s Coalition For AfricanAmerican Health And Wellness; Phoenix’s Tanner Community Development Corporation, the Black Nurses Association, the Alliance for Innovations in Health Care (MCDPH), Ebony House, Sistas of AZ, and state-wide fraternities and sororities such as Delta Sigma Theta, Alpha Kappa Alpha, and Zi Beta Kappa; in Sierra Vista, the Greater Huachuca Area Branch NAACP; and in Colorado, The Center for AfricanAmerican Health. African-American Health Challenges Domestic Violence The health-related costs of rape, physical assault, stalking and homicide by intimate partners exceed $5.8 billion each year. African-Americans account for one-third of the intimate partner homicides in this country and have an intimate partner homicide rate four time that of whites. According to Arizona’s Department of Health Services and the Department of Economic Security the first quarter of 2006/2007 showed 16.9 percent of those persons seeking domestic violence shelters and services were AfricanAmerican. Anecdotal information suggests that services provided to women of color lack the culturally appropriate environments necessary to make them feel safe. 55 56 Diabetes African-Americans continue to have the second highest death rate (mortality) from diabetes (the underlying cause of death) in Arizona; the first group remains Native Americans. Numerous comorbid conditions and diseases are associated with Diabetes Type II, specifically: heart attacks, strokes, blindness and kidney failure and gum disease. Hospitalizations resulting from diabetes related complications • In 2005, 23 out of every on 1,000 African-Americans in the state were hospitalized with a primary or secondary diagnosis code for Diabetes Type II. • In 2005, of the 26,267 African-American inpatients discharged from Arizona hospitals, 4,336 had a primary and/or secondary diagnosis of Type II diabetes, representing 16.5 percent of all African-American inpatients or 165 per 1000 AfricanAmerican inpatients. • In 2006, of the 28,510 African-American inpatients discharged from Arizona hospitals, 4,547 had a primary or secondary diagnosis of Type II diabetes, representing 16 percent of all AfricanAmerican inpatients or 159 per 1000 AfricanAmerican inpatients. (More information and reports about Diabetes in Arizona can be found at the Diabetes Program website http://www. azdhs.gov/phs/oncdps/diabetes/ annual_report.htm). Alzheimer’s Disease It is estimated that African-Americans are afflicted with Alzheimer’s 100 percent more than whites. HIV/AIDS Rates among African-Americans in Arizona is more than four times that of white Non-Hispanics. Health Disparities Research Activities in Arizona Most efforts at the federal, state and local levels to eliminate health disparities have focused on changing the health behaviors of individuals, communities and the health care systems that serve them. However, those disparities that may be related to genetics have largely been ignored, until now. One of the most exciting opportunities to be on the front lines of advanced technologies that could work to eliminate certain disparities in disease for everyone is at the Translational Genomic Research Institute (TGen), located in Phoenix, Arizona. Created in 2002, TGen is a non-profit biomedical research institute whose mission is to make and translate genomic discoveries into advances in human health. Its priority is to discover the differences and changes within the genome that translates into disease, then move the research findings quickly into the clinical setting so that patients can immediately benefit. The Institute is initially working to find ways to treat melanoma, prostate cancer, diabetes, Alzheimer’s disease and Parkinson’s disease. The significance of having TGen in Arizona cannot be understated, particularly as it relates to its potential role in eliminating disparities in disease treatments for racial/ethnic populations. The head of TGen’s Genetic Basis of Human Disease Division is John Carpten, Ph.D. Carpten’s research team helped spearhead the development of the AfricanAmerican Hereditary Prostate Cancer Study Network. The consequences of this research are enormous for the nation’s health, and for making a difference in eliminating disease disparities for all populations. www.tgen.org that drug use, HIV/AIDS and mental health are connected to ethnic, gender, developmental, geographic, acculturation and other social identity variables. SIRC is analyzing several aspects of health disparities in the African-American community. For example, through a National Institute of Health (NIH) grant proposal, SIRC proposes the establishment of a National Minority Health Disparities Research Center of Excellence to advance knowledge about health disparities among the racial and ethnic minorities of the Southwest. The center will expand and enhance the existing biomedical, behavioral, clinical, social and community-based participatory action research on health disparities conducted by the Southwest Interdisciplinary Research Center (SIRC) at Arizona State University. http://sirc.asu.edu Southwest Interdisciplinary Research Center (SIRC) Southwest Interdisciplinary Research Center (SIRC) at Arizona State University was established in 2002 through a NIH/NIDA infrastructure grant. In 2004, SIRC became a Research Center funded by the Arizona Board of Regents. SIRC is culturally grounded with an emphasis on health disparities research encompassing substance abuse, HIV/AIDS and mental health. The mission of SIRC is to carry out interdisciplinary research in health disparities with populations of the Southwest and conduct research on the way Recommendations 1. Activities that address social structural changes, such as: • Federal Cultural Competency recommendations/expectations are monitored by ADHS for compliance on a regular basis • Mandatory HIV/STD/hepatitis C testing within prison/jail systems • Increased HIV/STD/hepatitis C testing for people of color in clinical and non-clinical settings • Standardized sexual health education practices in all educational venues affecting adults, children and youth of color The State of Black Arizona   2008 2. Community Mobilization • Support of, or development and implementation of coalitions/ agencies that address Alzheimer’s, domestic violence, infant mortality, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, sexual health and other health needs of AfricanAmerican community • Increased participation of African-American-owned and operated non-traditional organizations, businesses and social entities to participate in educational mobilization outreach programs, and health improvement/maintenance programs 3. Capacity Building • Standardized education and outreach in domestic violence, diabetes, caregiving, maternal child health, sexual health and other vital areas in venues affecting African-Americans • Regularly scheduled awareness and education activities statewide in the black communities • Increased number of agencies/ organizations willing and able to offer technical assistance and/or communication services, to include cultural competency training, caregiving, and prevention and treatment services/ support 4. Increased Public Health and Legislative attention, support, intervention and monitoring. • Increase in national and local research projects centered on African-Americans such as risky behavior, social indicators, stigma, culture, etc. • The development of any blackcentered research projects targeting African-American residents of Arizona • Support for standardized testing for people of color in clinical and non-clinical settings Policy Recommendations • Mandatory HIV/STD/hepatitis C testing within prison/ jail systems; • Mandatory standardized sexual health education in all educational venues affecting children and youth of color; • Mandatory testing of pregnant women for possible diseases immediately prior to delivery; • Development of a comprehensive perinatal and infant mortality review process. References Arizona Residents Speak Out on Public Health Research. Research! America, 2004. www.researchamerica.org Best Practices Health Topic List. Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment, Denver, CO. cdphe.psdrequests@state.co.us Differences in the Health Status Among Ethnic Groups, Arizona, 2003. Arizona Department of Health Services, Phoenix, AZ, November 2004. www.azdhs.gov/plan. Eliminating Minority Health Disparities. HHS Fact Sheet, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, July 12, 2004. www.omhrc.gov Perinatal Periods of Risk: A Community Approach to Address Fetal and Infant Mortality in Maricopa County, Abridged Version. Maricopa County Department of Public Health, Phoenix, AZ. 2004. www.maricopa.gov/public_health/epi Health Care: Approaches to Address Racial and Ethnic Disparities. United States General Accounting Office, July 8, 2003 report to The Honorable Bill Frist, United States Senate. www.gao.gov. Health Policy Institute of Ohio, The. (2004). Understanding Health Disparities. Columbus, OH: Janet Goldbert, MPA. Healthy Arizona 2010: Collaborating for a Healthier Future. Arizona Department of Health Services. Phoenix, AZ www.azdhs.gov/phs/healthyaz2010/ exxecsum.htm Healthy People 2010 Launch. Opening Remarks by David Satcher, M.D., Ph.D., January 25, 2000. United States Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, DC. www.surgeongeneral.gov Living and Dying in Arizona: A Profile of Arizona’s People and their Health Needs. Arizona Public Health Association, 1999. Secretary’s Task Force Report on Black and Minority Health, U.S. Public Health Service, Washington, DC 1985. United States-Mexico Community Health Workers Border Models of Excellence Transfer/ Replication Strategies, 2004. www.borderhealth.org. Kaslow, N.J., Thompson, M>P>, Meadows, L.A., Jacobs, Chance, S., Gibb, B. et al. (1998). Factors that mediate and moderate the link between partner abuse and suicidal behavior in African-American women. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 66533-540. Caetano, R., Schafer, J., & Cunradi, C (2001). Alcohol-related intimate partner violence among whites, Black and Hispanics. Alcohol Research & health, 25, 58-65 Jenkins, Block, & Campbell (2004). Risk or death and serious injury for abused AfricanAmerican women. In V. Pottie Bunge, C.R. Block, & M. lane (eds.). Linking data to practice in homicide and violence prevention: Proceedings of the 2004 Homicide Research Working Group Annual symposium. Chicago HRWG Publication. Program Contact Information Arizona Association of Community Health Centers 320 E. McDowell Road Phoenix, AZ 85004 Joseph S. Coatsworth, CEO (602) 253-0090 Black Nurses Association, Greater Phoenix Area P.O. Box 20425 Phoenix, AZ 85036 (602) 306-5283 Center for African-American Health 3601 Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard Denver, CO 80205 (303) 355-3423 Coalition For African-American Health And Wellness P.O. Box 85424 Tucson AZ 85754 Attn: Mary (520) 882-2051 Cultural Health Initiatives, American Heart Association: Pacific/Mountain Affiliate 2929 S. 48th Street Phoenix, AZ 85282 (602) 414-5344 Ebony House 39 East Jackson Phoenix, AZ 85004 William Freeman, Executive Director (602) 254-6180 It’s A Baby’s Life PO Box 46197 Phoenix AZ 85063 Martha Garcia, Executive Director Phoenix Birthing Project, Inc. 301 W. Roosevelt Street Phoenix, AZ 85003 Barbara Freeman-Maney, Executive Director (602) 258-6990 Southwest Center for Community Health Promotion Mel and Enid Zukerman Arizona College of Public Health 1145 N. Campbell P.O. Box 210228 Tucson, AZ 85721-0228 (520) 318-7270 Tanner Community Development Corporation 700 E. Jefferson St., Suite 300 Phoenix, AZ 85034 Rev. Arnold Jackson, Executive Director and CEO (602) 253-6904 Translational Genomics Research Institute 445 N. Fifth Street Phoenix, AZ 85004 (602) 343-8400 AALHC committee members: Thelma Brandon, Dr. Olga Idriss Davis, Barbara Hines-Davis, Beverlee Hall, Vanessa Hill, Fannie Jackson, Mark Laney, Wilbert Nelson, Brandon Newman, Gloria Payne, Dr. Donna Redman, Onetta Revere, Patrice Caldwell, Brenda Robbins, Caroline Rosemund, R.J. Shannon, Virgil Solomon, Nancy Thomann, La Tonia Turner, and Wanda M. Thompson. Edited by Dr. Olga Idriss Davis, R.J. Shannon, and Nancy Thomann. 57 An Overview of Crime Statistics The State of Black Arizona   2008 “ We live in a country and in a state where Black people are under-represented in political, business, and professional positions yet over-represented among juvenile delinquents, high-school dropouts, teen pregnancies, foster-care, and the criminal justice system. The most recent statistic is that 6 out of every 10 African-American males in this state will have been involved in the juvenile or criminal justice systems either through arrests or conviction of a crime once in their life. We also know that 4 out of 10 children who grow up in and age out of foster care are African American … But it is not the system that discriminates, it is the people that operate within the system. It is the people that are making decisions. It is the judges, lawyers, social workers, and others who often are White middle-class individuals applying White middleclass values to fashion a resolution to an issue that needs cultural competence.” Penny L. Willrich, “Flies in the Bowl of Milk” 59 Table CJ1. Total Arrests by Offense, Race, & Ethnic Origin — 2005 Number White Black Indian Asian All Other (Except Traffic) Offense Claasification 87330 72561 7868 6544 357 Drugs Possesion 32350 25727 3214 1162 147 Larcency Theft 28835 23840 2716 2091 188 Other Assaults -Simple 23918 19659 2391 1688 180 Disorderly Conduct 17001 13887 1530 1512 72 Driving Under Influence 35375 31460 1246 2444 225 Liquor Law Violations 22449 18866 995 2454 134 Vandalism 10437 8986 849 551 51 Aggravated Assault 6665 5398 747 474 46 Drugs Sale/Mfg. 4054 3361 512 162 19 Runaways (Juveniles) 5302 4565 486 213 38 Burglary 4728 4099 464 150 15 Prostitution and Comm. Vice 1613 1057 458 83 15 Weapons:Carrying, Possesion 3387 2852 449 76 10 Motor Vehicle Theft 5096 4523 409 150 14 Robbery 1517 1095 343 77 2 Curfew/Loitering (Juveniles) 3780 3397 289 73 21 Forgery and Counterfeiting 2807 2514 234 49 10 Fraud 2026 1782 174 55 15 Offenses against Family/Child 3705 3371 144 163 27 Stolen Property 1644 1472 141 27 4 Sex Offenses 1783 1522 129 123 9 Vagrancy 963 639 98 224 2 Murder/Nonneg. Manslaughter 252 205 37 8 2 Embezzlement 285 238 34 12 1 Forcible rape 220 175 32 11 2 Arson 296 262 19 13 2 Manslaughter by negligence 45 41 2 2 0 All Gambling 23 23 0 0 0 305786 257577 26010 20591 1608 Total Figure CJ1. First or Repeat Offender Statistics (2000): Arizona Figure CJ4. Percent of Hate Crimes Against Persons by Type of Offense (2001) 60 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Assault Aggravated Assault Simple Intimidation Anti-Black 448 664 1440 3529 Anti-White 168 289 263 1034 Anti-Hispanic 133 198 261 755 34 80 132 349 Source: Arizona Corrections Dept. Figure CJ1 shows that african americans have low first and second offender characteristics when compared to the caucasians and latino groups. Figure CJ2. Crime by Category (2000): Arizona Anti-Asian Total Anti-Multiracial 31 21 106 283 Anti-AmericanIndian 22 22 18 95 Source: FBI Uniform Crime Report, Hate Crime Statistics Figure 5.4 shows the percentage of hate crimes against a minority group based on the degree of assault. The number of hate crimes against the AfricanAmerican community is more than that against any other community. It is visible that the hate crimes against African-Americans exceeds any other group by more than 2000. Source: Arizona Corrections Dept. The State of Black Arizona   2008 Figure CJ3. African-American Total Arrests in Arizona 61 Source: AZ Dept. of Public Safety Figure CJ3 provides information on African-American arrests made based on the type of crime committed in Arizona in 2005. The major causes of arrests made are drug possession (12%), larcency theft (10%) and Simple Assaults (9%). A Call for Renewed African-American Leadership by Michael Kelly “Look introspectively and historically at yourself. What have you been doing over the years to support Arizona African-American individuals, organizations and/or institutions?” The State of Black Arizona   2008 In September, 1977, a young African-American male dressed unseasonably in a dark threepiece suit made the rounds in Phoenix looking for a job. Coming from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, he had mailed in advance about 30 resumes to traditional organizations like the NAACP and the Urban League, and to some not-so-traditional industries like KOY Radio, since he had an interest in broadcasting. The NAACP and Urban League in Pittsburgh had strong legacies and stellar reputations for advocacy of upwardly mobile African-Americans. At age 26, this East Coast “buppie” (black upwardly mobile professional) had a master’s degree in education, bachelor’s degree in social work and black studies and six years of work history. He had even founded, and funded, a youth center in a Pittsburgh suburb at age 20, while still working on an undergraduate degree. Getting help from these traditional organizations to find a job in Phoenix would be easy with this kind of work experience and education. Imagine his disbelief and utter disappointment when, after a week of following up, that no one from the NAACP or Urban League acknowledged receipt of his résumé. Upon visiting the Phoenix Urban League one of the senior managers of the organization reluctantly offered an interview. A few minutes into the discussion he literally threw up both of his hands and said “I shouldn’t even be doing this.” He got up from his desk and walked the bewildered newcomer to a lower level staff member. Things didn’t get any better when the first words out of the reviewer’s mouth was “What kind of a slave name is Michael Kelly!” Interestingly, that black staffer also had an Irish last name. Yes, that was MY introduction to Phoenix and its African-American leadership upon migrating to the great Southwest. However, this dark cloud did have a silver lining. That same day, I met the late Cloves Campbell, Sr., who was an executive with Arizona Public Service. Unbeknownst to me, during the 1960s he had served as an Arizona state representative and was the first African-American elected to the Arizona State Senate. Additionally, he and his brother published the only blackowned newspaper in the state, The Arizona Informant. Mr. Campbell, who asked me to call him Cloves, granted me an hour interview, and said that he did not know of any jobs that were available but I could use his name as a reference. When I did drop his name, lots of things started to happen and a week later, I was working as a broadcaster at KOOL AM-FM radio in Phoenix. If Arizona had a black Mount Rushmore, the faces of Washington, Jefferson, Roosevelt and Lincoln would be replaced with Campbell, Daniels, Ragsdale and Goode. Cloves would be in proud company with Hayzel B. Daniels, Arizona’s first black lawyer and judge; Lincoln Ragsdale, Sr., a former Tuskegee Airman and successful businessman; and Calvin Goode, a progressive Phoenix City Council member. All of these men were known as the black leaders of Arizona, from the 1950s through the early 1990s. They figuratively and liter- ally fought for civil rights — on the street, at the lunch counters and in the court rooms. The deaths of Daniels, Ragsdale and Campbell were the only deterrent to the good deeds and goodwill fostered by these leaders. In addition to raising and educating their own children, they mentored people, endorsed them for jobs and allowed them to use their good name. Retirement has done nothing to slow down Calvin Goode. At 80 years old, he still does more than many of his younger counterparts. Having known and interacted with three of these men (I did not know Hayzel Daniels), I know they were not perfect. But their word was/is bond. They would tell you what they could or could not do, were willing and unwilling to do with you or for you. And their actions spoke volumes. They did not always see eye-to-eye on various issues; however, more often than not, they put up a united front to achieve the common good for African-Americans in Arizona. In my opinion, the decades of the 1980s through the early 2000s gave way to either strict party politics or parochial pursuits. I have seen some, mostly politicians, enjoy longevity in their professional disciplines. And some accomplished great things. How- 63 64 “ Individuals must have a connectedness to the community and the organizations they are willing to serve. People have to trust and believe in those who choose to serve as leaders or there will be dissent. As John C. Maxwell states in The 21 Irrefutable Laws of Leaders, ‘He who thinks he leads but has no followers, is only taking a walk.’” Tracee Hall, “Cultivating Young Black Leadership in Arizona” ever, they tended to paint within political lines or posit for their own aggrandizement. Nor did they mentor anyone to take their place. An endorsement is not mentoring! Some of this evidence I think is very telling: • Leaving political office without grooming a protégé. • The lack of promotion or advocacy of African-American professionals within their circle of influence. • Ascending to a new professional position and leaving the former position vacant. • Spending decades in office or at an executive level job only to leave a legacy of being a sharp dresser, great orator or womanizer. • Being known for chasing ambulances or being a poverty pimp — getting involved with community issues only if it served them politically or financially. • Have a history of OJ-ing Arizona African- Americans — Don’t hire, work with, support financially, interact with, discuss issues about, worship with or have personal relationships with African-Americans, but claim their allegiance to the culture when they get into trouble. • Cannot tell you who they are mentoring if you ask and are disturbed by the question. The black churches have always been on the forefront of leadership from a faith-based perspective. Dr. George Brooks, Sr. would occupy a fifth position on Arizona’s black Mount Rushmore. He worked with Campbell, Daniels, Ragsdale and Goode from a spiritual base. Other honorable mentions are Dr. Warren H. Stewart, Sr., First Institutional Baptist Church; Reverend Benjamin Thomas, Tanner Chapel AME; and Bishop Alexis Thomas, Pilgrim Rest Baptist Church. Dr. Stewart engineered the successful 1992 passage of the “ It is … sad that until 2004, there was no official representation from the Black community. There has been past involvement on committees and boards from generations that have long since passed on. The lapse between now and then has been far too long.” Vallerie Woolridge, “First Black to Serve on the Town Council in Florence, Arizona” Martin Luther King, Jr., civil rights holiday in Arizona. Under his leadership, Arizona was the first state in the U. S. to pass the MLK, Jr. holiday by popular vote. The holiday had gone through rescission of a gubernatorial executive order and a failed vote of the people. Using Dr. King’s principles of unity and non-violence, Stewart rallied hundreds of businesses, organizations and individuals for the measure to pass by a historic three-to-one margin. However, Arizona African-American clergy are guilty of the same secular misgivings of our politicians and professionals. Whether in the church or in the community, don’t you find it interesting and even laughable when people get into difficult, challenging and even legal trouble, they find Jesus? As a Christian, some of this may be true. However, once the trouble is over, it seems that Jesus has difficulty finding them! So, Michael, you have a strong opinion about black leadership or the lack thereof in Arizona! As opposed to just being critical what do you recommend? First and most importantly, anything I recommend also applies to me! 1) Look introspectively and historically at yourself. What have you been doing over the years to support Arizona African-American individuals, organizations and/or institutions? Have you devoted time, talent and money to help resolve problems or to help with advancements? 2) Do the research and the math. What is it that you really know about the individual, organization and/or institution? How many years have they been in existence? How many people have they really helped? Do they collaborate with other people or organizations regularly? How have they sustained the organization? What is their return on investments The State of Black Arizona   2008 “ We as a community owe it to our ancestors, children and legacy for black Arizona to walk on firmer footing in activism, social justice and leadership. There are a number of issues that plague our communities, from the fight to retain affirmative action to the blatant racism some experience in the streets. Arizona boasts a wealth of African-American talent, leadership and genius. It is up to us to define our destiny more clearly. By summoning our collective intelligence, we promise a brighter black Arizona.” 65 Amy Freeman, “African-American Activism in Phoenix” in terms of professional services, community perception of them personally and their visible contributions to society. What is your/their methodology for evaluation? How many jobs have been created and retained by you or your clients. Can you/it show evidence of having accomplished something meaningful in an individual’s life or the community at large? Do people know who you are mentoring either to take over your position or will be recommending for a high level job? Why or why not? 3) Compare your research findings to best practices. Who are the real individual, corporate or faith-base leaders in your community or nationally? And what have they or it done to warrant this recognition? 4) That all Arizona AfricanAmerican leaders, work to: a. Positively reinforce African-Americans, b. Develop institutional structures and leadership training to enhance the roles of African-American staff, c. Train and retain African-American leadership staff from elementary school through college and vocational school, d. Create and institutionalize a mentoring leadership program for politicians professionals, prophets (clergy) and the proletariat (common folks) and e. Identify cultural diversity and the needs of non-management staff and community leaders. Many of our leaders are operating under the radar of public awareness. Anonymity is an effective tool with which they are able to help people. They should not be penalized or chided for this approach as long as they or their businesses provide positive reinforcement for AfricanAmericans. Additionally, for years most statewide African-American leadership has been concentrated in the Phoenix and Tucson area. With the population growth and migration from other parts of the country to Arizona, mayors, city council representatives, church leaders, public administrators and private company executives are in Eloy, Florence, Glendale, Goodyear, Maricopa, Sierra Vista and other smaller cities and towns throughout the state. These people are excellent at what they do, and the added value is that they are African-American. My sincere hope is that they share their intellectual, political and financial capital through a legacy of mentoring and succession planning. Looking back 30 years, there are fewer state representatives in the Arizona legislature, fewer public administrators in state and municipal government, fewer Pan-Hellenic leaders (sororities and fraternities) and fewer people who put their time, talent, voice and money where their mouth is regarding advocacy for AfricanAmerican people and issues. People my age have retired or are close to retirement and face the existential reality of mortality. If it is not YOU who mentors, promotes, supports, advocates for, sustains, finances, prays for, reinforces, encourages, promises and loves your African-American brothers and sisters in Arizona, then WHO!!! n Youth Essay: The Definition of Black by Mychael Clark “I have learned through trial and error that society does not define what I am.” The State of Black Arizona   2008 Among the millions who live in the United States, the African-American minority have always had a special characteristic among its communities. The dark history of slavery and social injustice has helped African-Americans develop a strong voice, as well as infallible alliances with other minorities and Caucasians alike. This took shape around the 60s. It is now 2007, and much has changed, for better and for worse. There is less worry about segregation, which has allowed room to live life normally, but there also are consequences. The goals of African-Americans have shifted from the need for equality to the need of surpassing other people, including those within their same race. There is no real identity amongst the people as much as they can be identified by their materialistic interests. Due to this loose sense of unity, there are more heinous requirements just to be considered AfricanAmerican at all, such as having a dark enough skin tone or what music you listen to. As a young woman of color growing up in this world full of labels, I shall share my experiences of alienations from both blacks and whites. When I first attended Gililland Middle School, I did not have many friends. I did, however, already befriend a couple of Caucasian boys and a couple more Hispanic boys, thanks to the fad of Pocket Monsters. Later on, I thought it was appropriate to gain friends who were AfricanAmerican in order to learn more about part of my heritage and to share at least some qualities of such a background. The attempts, however, were completely futile. I would often try to hang out with African-American girls before school only to end up being completely left out of the conversation. There was hardly anything I could relate to with them because they were too interested about their inside jokes, what movies they have seen, and so forth. I, on the other hand, lived a life dedicated to doing well in school. I was too embarrassed to ask about what it meant to be black, nor would they have really cared to answer such a question for me. I felt ashamed of myself for being so ignorant of my heritage, but being shut out because of differing goals and not being able to speak Ebonics did not help the predicament in the least. I found myself just as lost when I became a freshman at Tempe High School. Despite how ethnically diverse it was, it would take me almost two years to meet someone who I could truly relate “ to. In the meanwhile, I constantly played “guess my race” with a myriad of people. It was as if it was a challenge that was brought up by silent consent on their part. I would be stopped by both friends and acquaintances with the question, “What race are you?” With a nervous smile, I would reply, “Black and Spanish.” I was just happy that they would even care to talk to me in the first place, despite how queer the question was. But I soon would be thrown back by what their guess was: Indian. Not Indian as in Native American, but Indian as in Asian. I will never forget the one time that I was stopped by an older Caucasian guy and played this unspoken game. After I told him the same renowned answer, he replied, “Oh, I thought you were Hindu or One evening after school, my daughter put a towel on her head and was singing to herself in the mirror about her long, pretty, blonde hair. When I asked her about the song, she told me that she just wanted her teacher to like her as much as the girls she was imitating in the mirror. I was deeply disturbed by that situation. None of my childhood experiences had prepared me to deal with this type of injustice at this stage of my child’s life.” Pamela Williams, “Crafting a Village” 67 68 “ Defining just who is African-American in the 21st century must be examined not only against the backdrop of the growing and deepening diversity of the United States and Arizona populations, but also against the increasing numbers of groups and individuals that may be considered ‘black.’ As a broad racial category, ‘black’ serves as an umbrella classification in the U.S. to a multiplicity of groups, without serious regard of how these groups identify and define themselves. In lay terms, ‘black’ is also used synonymously with African-American. African-American likewise often serves as a hodgepodge label, assuming cultural and ethnic linkages to Africa, and citizenship linkages to the United States. U.S. census categories, for instance, often read ‘Black or African-American’ as one all-encompassing category which includes reported identities as variable as ‘Black, African-American, Negro, Afro-American, Haitian and Nigerian.’ (See US Census 2000 data and definitions) With record levels of black immigration flows into the U.S. naturalization processes of non-U.S.-born persons becoming Americans, racial intermingling, and the spread of black American youth’s popular cultural influence globally, it is increasingly difficult to tell by cursory observation, such as sight and speech, who is African-American and who is not. The consensus seems to be that there is general lack of clarity about this very important matter of identity.” Lisa Aubrey, Abdullahi Gallab, Aribidesi Usman, “Examining the African-American Identity: How and Where Do New African Diasporans Fit in the State of Arizona? A Call for Further Study” something.” I cannot particularly blame any of these people for not knowing that I am partially black. I have a petite frame of 4'10", caramel skin, and curly hair of medium texture that passes my waist in length. Nonetheless, it disappoints me to realize that I was not immediately considered black because I did not fit the stereotypical look of an African-American female, being medium to tall in height, voluptuous, having a lot of melanin in the skin, and having short, rough hair. A trickle of racism still resided within each and every one of us by such “requirements.” It was not until the following year that I had met someone who I could fully relate to, about things that were more than just skin deep. He was, and still is, very dedicated to his studies in school, even more so than I was at the time. He had also faced the same racial ambiguity as I have, mentally struggling with the combination of very fair skin and a peculiarly deep voice, not to mention the afro he would grow out later on. My new boyfriend and I would, unfortunately have great struggles with other minorities in our junior year. We were constantly harassed for being stuck up because we were intelligent people, despite the fact that our harassers would always be the ones to make grand appearances and demand attention from their peers on a daily basis. The ringleader was a popular black male. Once, he talked out loud to his little entourage about how we supposedly wronged him, and had the nerve to refer to us as “Mr. Perfect Afro” and “Curly Sue.” How can an AfricanAmerican insult other people for the same physical characteristics found amongst many other African-Americans? It was purely hypocritical and ignorant on his part, but nonetheless humorous to him and many other minorities. The entire year revolved around me warding off a pack of wolves. I have learned through trial and error that society does not define what I am. An African-American is someone who stands up for his or her beliefs, and does not require fortune and fame to emphasize being “black.” Hopefully, people of all races will let go of such skewed stereotypical views of others and themselves. We as individuals must take on such responsibility. Forget labeling people according to race. Define what a human being is. n The State of Black Arizona   2008 69 “ What lies ahead? I don’t know. But what I hope is that we begin teaching the next generation of children from the start that we are all created equal. That God loves each of us, for our differences and in spite of our differences. And that parents and community groups stop infusing hate and intolerance in children from the moment of birth.” Leah Landrum Taylor African-American Legislative Days Speech, 2007 Credits and Acknowledgements 72 Printing: Arizona Public Service Editor: Wilma Mathews, director, ASU Office of Public Affairs Project Facilitators: • Channetta Curtis, ASU for Arizona intern, B.A. candidate, political science • Kenja Hassan, assistant director, ASU for Arizona, Office of Public Affairs Project Associates: • Savannah Carroll, B.A. candidate, political science, African and AfricanAmerican studies • Shepsut Wilson, B.A. candidate, marketing, Northern Arizona University Data Research: • Amit Bothra, M.S. candidate, industrial engineering • Catherine McNamara, Ph.D. candidate, social and behavioral sciences • Sudarshan Ragunathan, M.S. candidate, electrical engineering Technical Support: Sudheer Sangala, M.S. candidate, microelectronics technology Book Design: Christopher De Herrera, ASU graphic designer Cover Design: Jennifer Bostick, ASU graphic designer Chart and Graph Design: • Lauren Ledbetter, ASU graphic designer • Christopher De Herrera, ASU graphic designer Photography: Tom Story, ASU photographer Support for Youth Essay Contest: The Leadership Consortium Advisory Committee: • Duku Anokye, associate professor, Africana language, literature and culture, ASU • Kathy Ayers, historian and genealogist • Leanor Boulin Johnson, professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • George Brooks Jr., editor, Ebony Cactus • Josalyn Caruthers, case manager, Casey Family Programs • Dr. Ronnie Cox, clinical associate professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Kevin Cook, dean of student affairs, ASU • Joanna De’Shay, community development manager, APS • George Dean, president and CEO, Greater Phoenix Urban League • Tracee Hall, senior analyst to the mayor, City of Phoenix • Mernoy Harrison, vice president and executive vice provost, ASU • David Hinds, assistant professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Lasana Hotep, student success coordinator, multicultural student services, ASU • Stanlie James, director and professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Alonzo Jones, director, multicultural student services, ASU • Michael Johnson, Phoenix city councilman, District 8 • Michael Kelly, president and chair, The Leadership Consortium • The Honorable Leah Landrum Taylor, Arizona State Senate, District 16 • Madia Logan, director of membership and communication, Arizona Grant Makers Forum • William “Teddy” McDaniel, vice president and executive vice provost, GE Capital, Young Professionals • Albert McHenry, vice president and executive vice provost, ASU Polytechnic • Bruce Relf, CEO, Fresh Start Community Services • Angelita Reyes, professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Alyssa Robillard, assistant professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • The Honorable Cody Williams, Justice of the Peace South Mountain Court • Keva Womble, vice president, Chase Community Partnerships Editorial Committee: • Channetta Curtis, ASU for Arizona intern, B.A. candidate, political science • Cedric Dave, vice president, human resources, Merchant Information Solutions, Inc. • Kenja Hassan, assistant director, ASU for Arizona, Office of Public Affairs • Brett Hudson, special assistant to the CEO, Greater Phoenix Urban League • Rodrick Miller, director, Greater Phoenix Economic Council Contributing Writers: • Nicholas Alozie, professor, social and behavioral sciences, ASU • Lisa Aubrey, professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • The Honorable Cloves Campbell, Jr., Arizona State Representative, District 16 • Josalyn Caruthers, case manager, Casey Family Programs • Mychael Clark, senior, McClintock High School • Dr. Olga Idriss Davis, editor, AfricanAmerican Legislative Committee Health Document Dana Dicks, teacher, Arizona Agribusiness and Equine Center • Amy Freeman, chief consultant, Enlighten Leadership and Empowerment, and Partner, Truth is Power, LLC, • Abdullahi Gallab, assistant professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Tracee Hall, senior analyst to the Mayor, City of Phoenix • Dr. Ann Hart, deputy associate superintendent, discipline initiatives, Arizona Department of Education • David Hinds, assistant professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Lasana Hotep, student success coordinator, Multicultural Student Services, ASU • Michael Kelly, president and chair, The Leadership Consortium • The Honorable Leah Landrum Taylor, Arizona State Senator, District 16 • Rodrick Miller, director, Greater Phoenix Economic Council • Alyssa Robillard, assistant professor, African and African-American Studies, ASU • RJ Shannnon, editor, African-American Legislative Committee Health Document • Nancy Thomann, editor, AfricanAmerican Legislative Committee Health Document • Aribidesi Usman, assistant professor, African and African-American studies, ASU • Matthew C. Whitaker, associate professor, history, ASU • Pamela Williams, coordinator, technology training, Maricopa County Community College District • The Honorable Penny L. Willrich, Arizona Superior Court Judge • The Honorable Vallarie Woolridge, council member, Town of Florence, Arizona